Appendix 3: Secondary evidence on consumer attitudes and behaviour

Transcription

1 Appendix 3: Secondary evidence on consumer attitudes and behaviour Contents 1.0 Introduction Clothing purchase Understanding behaviour Consumer attitudes Cleaning and preparation Laundry equipment and use Consumer attitudes Unwanted clothing Decision making Summary... 6

2 1.0 Introduction This appendix report synthesises contextual published literature on consumer attitudes and behaviour when purchasing, using and passing on clothes. The aim is to summarise secondary evidence. A concern for the impacts of clothing has existed for some time among some sections of the population and a range of industry interventions dating back some years have addressed the issues of clothing sustainability (Defra, 2008a). These concerns remain newsworthy, and related articles appeared in the media in weeks prior to the publication of this report (for instance, see The Sunday Times 1 July ). It is evident from the literature review undertaken in compiling this report that the WRAP-commissioned primary research undertaken in December is the only large scale survey of UK consumer attitudes and behaviour across the lifecycle of clothing. The intention of this report is not to repeat findings here, although the WRAP study is referenced in parts where the comparison of findings is deemed noteworthy. In publishing this review, WRAP does not necessarily agree with the data interpretation which other sources have published. 1 Article: Fashion s big names fail the value test 2 Involving 7,950 UK adults aged 16+

3 2.0 Clothing purchase 2.1 Understanding behaviour A significant body of literature has emerged related to consumer decision making in shopping (e.g. Woodroffe- Burton et al 1998, 2001). For example, several studies (e.g. Rawwas and Singhapakdi 1998, Kim et al 1999, Carrigan, Szmigin and Wright 2004, Iwanov et al 2005, Joergens 2006, Mintel 2008) have identified that ethical considerations in clothes purchasing are outweighed by issues of identity and practicality. The study of the association between clothing and individual and social identity has also generated an extensive literature that suggests relationships between ways of dressing and gender identity, sub-cultural identity and cultural stereotypes (e.g. Davis 1992, Kaiser 2003, Entwistle 2003, Woodward 2007). Arguably Western societies have developed a culture of consumerism. Possessions can often reflect people s values and contribute to their identity. Replacing an item of clothing or any other possession may therefore take on a meaning beyond functionality. Instead replacement may be a signal to others, for instance, that individuals do not want to be associated with a particular item regarded as out of date (Cooper, 2005b). Latterly, the literature has moved beyond the semiotic analysis of dress to approaches such as Woodward s that emphasise its materiality, embedded in everyday practices. This puts into perspective the strong influence of fashion on dressing habits and suggests that the desire to look fashionable is only one of several concerns, balanced by influences from individuals biographies, family relationships and habits. (Defra, 2008a) The literature of sustainable consumption is still relatively young, so mainly focused on understanding behaviour rather than on identifying mechanisms for change. Jackson (2005) briefly mentions contemporary social movements such as ethical consumption, downshifting and voluntary simplicity but with little optimism. 2.2 Consumer attitudes Research has found that people acquire the information that influences their clothing choices during the activity of shopping itself, as well as from conventional media (Defra, 2008). More eco labels 3 are appearing on the market. They not only provide information to enable consumers to make more educated decisions in relation to their clothing purchases and use, but also present retailers with a marketing tool. However, guidelines and restrictions are not transparent and can lead to customer confusion instead of providing clarity. Product related signs for example, differ substantially in their aspiration level. (Giesen, 2008) Consumer awareness of ethical issues relating to clothing in developed countries is higher now than ever before (Forum for the Future, 2010). The impact of the recession on attitudes and outlook is apparent, with 19% of adults stating that they are not in a position to think about either ethical or environmental issues (Mintel, 2009 p68). There is no lessening of public concern about environmental and ethical issues, but people will no longer pay price premiums for products unless they deliver more than reduced environmental impact or being more ethical. (Mintel, 2009 p5) Research findings indicate that around a third of adults surveyed are now so preoccupied with their financial situation that they have become less concerned with sustainability and ethical issues. This suggests that for some, especially those in less affluent groups and those threatened by the recession, being greener is a nice to do rather than need to do aspect of their lifestyles. The impact of the recession is forcing people to look to cut costs and trade down but high (and rising) levels of concern on these issues suggests that people are happy to be greener and more ethical, but are only likely to buy greener products if it saves them money. Even before the recession, price premiums were a barrier to more widespread take-up of green and ethical products and the evidence of altered priorities is that 12% of adults stated that they could no longer afford price premiums for green or ethical products. (Mintel, 2009 p15) Some research suggests the knowledge action gap may not apply to all age groups with older people showing more readiness to reflect their morals in their purchasing behaviour and younger people less (see for example, Carrigan, Szmigin and Wright (2004) and Rawwas and Singhapakdi (1998) and Mintel (2008) cited Defra (2008a)). 3 Eco labels can provide a wide variety of information relating to clothing sustainability, and can cover design, development, inuse and recycling information.

4 3.0 Cleaning and preparation 3.1 Laundry equipment and use Laundry practices have been shown to change over time, not least due to the opportunities technology has offered consumers have moved from boiling to washing at low temperature over time. Consumers regard washing machines as essential to their daily lives, and the vast majority have a washing machine in their home. In 2010, some 88% of UK households owned a washing machine and 13.1% had a combined washer dryer (Mintel, 2011b). The majority of us do our washing two or three times a week, irrespective of how we do this. Around a third of households (weighted towards those who live alone) do their washing less than once a week, and one in five (the largest households) do laundry at least once a day. (Mintel, 2010b) Nearly a half of all UK homes (46%) own a tumble dryer. Whether or not we have a garden or access to outdoor space does not decrease the likelihood that we will own a tumble dryer 4 (Mintel, 2011b). Tumble dryers have also seen increased ownership some 1.1 million more homes owned a dryer in 2010 than they did in (Mintel, 2011b) Sales of larger washing machines, with load capacity of 7kg and over, are increasing. People may respond by washing larger loads, less frequently 5. (Energy Saving Trust, 2011 p22) 3.2 Consumer attitudes Consumers are increasingly conscious of the costs associated with clothes laundry. In comparison to washing machines, the ownership of tumble dryers is considered more discretionary. Alternative ways to dry clothes such as hanging them out to dry in the garden, on the balcony or inside the house, are for many satisfactory alternatives 6. Demand for tumble dryers has taken a greater dip than that of washing machines in the recession, partly because consumers do not consider them to be so necessary, but also because of the notion that tumble dryers are heavy users of electricity and therefore costly. Electricity prices rose steeply in , prices stabilised in 2010 but have begun to rise once more in As a result consumers are more aware of the costs of running various appliances including washing machines and tumble dryers. (Mintel, 2011b) If and when the need to replace a washing machine, tumble dryer or iron arises, consumers are now more likely to consider the associated costs of laundry. High electricity costs are making consumers more aware of the advantages in buying more energy-efficient appliances. (Mintel, 2011b) This in turn, could influence the amount of clothes cleaning and preparation undertaken. Qualitative studies seeking to understand our laundry behaviour has found that everyday practices are influenced by habits, routines and concepts of cleanliness which may outweigh views on sustainability. While we might know which clothing habits are good from a cost or sustainability point of view, consumers do not necessarily act on this knowledge. Defra research involving a diary task and wardrobe audit did demonstrate that gaining awareness of the issues influenced the behaviour of some people (Defra, 2008). WRAP research found that consumers said they were willing to change their laundry behaviour (see main body of this report). 4 People with no garden (17.2%) are more likely to own a washer dryer than average (13.5%) 5 Bigger drum sizes and higher overall energy-efficiency ratings could help to reduce the energy we use washing clothes. The danger is that better efficiency could be undermined by machines running with small loads in them just as often as the previous smaller machines 6 A possible negative indirect consequence of drying our clothing indoors on radiators is that increased ventilation (e.g. opening windows) to remove moisture could lead to loss of heat from the home (Defra, 2009). The resource and cost implications of this are not known, but thought to be insignificant

5 4.0 Unwanted clothing 4.1 Decision making There are multiple routes which consumers choose for their unwanted clothing: these have different implications for the environment and the creation of waste. Qualitative research suggests the significant increase in the purchasing of discount clothing has attributed to more clothing being thrown away rather than reused or recycled (Defra, 2007 p.viii). This body of research often puts forward that consumers are resigned to living in a throwaway culture (see Defra, 2008a p.35, for example). Evidence suggests consumers put second-hand/waste clothing in with general waste because they assume it has no value (see Birthwistle, Cited Defra, 2008a). The literature demonstrates how product lifetime as interpreted by consumers - is not simply a question of design or material durability. Various studies show that clothing or household durables are thrown away before they are broken beyond repair. The literature also suggests that individual consumers display inconsistent attitudes and behaviours towards product lifespans (Cooper, Cited Defra, 2010). Sometimes they put effort into finding more durable products, taking care of them in use, or getting them repaired. At other times, and for other products they own, they treat products as disposable and therefore not worth caring for. None of the literature reviewed identified environmental motivations as a key driver of consumer interest in durability or product lifetime. (Defra, p.2) Part of taking care of clothing and extending the active life may include repair. Consistent with WRAP consumer research findings, earlier evidence suggests older age groups are more competent in the skills needed to repair clothes (e.g. Fisher et al., 2008; Tonglet et al., 2004). However, the literature has identified other barriers to repair which could inhibit this as a route to extending the life of clothing e.g. lack of time. Evidence linking public reuse behaviours and positive environmental attitudes is weak. The literature identifies two principal motivations for donation/selling behaviours: Charity wanting to support local charities or less fortunate people (especially for clothing); Realising the perceived value of a product that is unwanted rather than worn out either the belief that something that still has a use should stay in use (an ethic of care ), or obtaining financial value for oneself (through selling). (Brook-Lyndhurst, 2008) The literature consistently shows that donation on the one hand, and purchase/receipt of goods on the other, is not done by the same people and follows a fairly predictable pattern: donations are more likely from middle class households and purchase is more likely from lower income households (Brook-Lyndhurst, 2008). Watson (2008), however, points to literature (in general, rather than clothing specific) which suggests that such bald generalisations are not always appropriate. Work from a cultural studies perspective suggests that the nature of the purchaser, and their motivations, may be context dependent in relation to the type of reuse outlet involved. More affluent consumers, for example, may seek out retro, vintage or car boot sales for reasons that include fun, an anti-consumerist ethic, or expression of self-identity (through uniqueness of purchases).

6 5.0 Summary This appendix report has summarised secondary evidence on consumer attitudes and behaviour when purchasing, using and passing-on clothes. In brief, the secondary evidence suggests: Awareness of the environmental impact of clothing is low Attitudes, behaviour and expectations about clothing relate closely to the playing out of self-identity through everyday habits and practices Even when consumers have a high level of awareness of ethical issues, their attitudes and beliefs may not translate into what they do