THE PRODUCTİON OF URBAN SPACE İN PALMAS - TO: TENSİONS AND CONVERGENCES* AUTHOR: ALDENILSON DOS SANTOS VITORINO COSTA 1 Address: Rua do Rezende, 127 Centro Rio de Janeiro. e-mail: alsvcosta@gmail.com ABSTRACT It presents a discussion about the process of production of urban space in Palmas - TO, the last planned capital of twentieth century (Segawa, 1991), focusing on the formation of the neighborhoods located in south of the city, which arise as a product of segregation that had direct action from the state. Palmas, whose creation dates from 1989, arose from an engineering and architecture project to be the capital of Tocantins state. For some people it is a project based in Goiania and Brasilia (Lira, 1994), for others it is a unique design that in no way tried to follow those towns (Velazquez, 2010). However, the basic plan of Palmas did not include the population with low purchasing power, which in turn promoted a process of occupation different from the other than intended by the architects of GrupoQuatro. In addition to this, speculation also contributes to the occupation dispersed in Palmas. The State, represented by governor and mayor of that time, in order to make an organized occupation of the city, removed the inhabitants with lower purchasing power from downtown area and from surrounding blocks (first areas to be occupied in the basic plan of Palmas), forcing them to live in suburbs called Jardins Aureny's I, II, III and IV, which emerged to house the population with this characteristic (Lira, 1994). However, this relation reveals tensions and convergences that existed in Palmas creation, where only those who had high purchasing power were allowed the right of access to the basic plan. Today, other neighborhoods and blocks are refuges for people with low purchasing power, but even so, the relation between the blocks from the basic plan and the south neighborhoods of the city is still distinct and segregated. All these factors explain why many times in Palmas we have the impression that there are two cities in the same municipal area, on one side there are blocks with high standard, middle-class, with all urban infrastructure, and in the other one there are blocks and neighborhoods with lower standard of housing and where there are few urban services as the basic plan. Given this, it is relevant to reflect on the production of urban space in Palmas, in order to understand what the facts, actors and processes are part of this dynamic, which reveal tensions, convergence and social issues that are involved in cities planning and urbanization processes, as we intend to discuss in GT 2. Keywords: Planning, City, Urbanization, Segregation, Palmas. INTRODUCTION A city is not merely the result of an engineering and architecture project. On the contrary, besides contemplate this dimension, built cities also means creating real spaces to human agglomeration, which also involves thinking about the city in its social function (Egler, 2009). Indeed, cities are consolidated precisely because they are human agglomeration, where flock all sorts of people, giving rise attractive elements both for humans as for trade, capital, among others. Often, cities are born amid social tensions, many other with notable symbolic dimension. The fact is that the city is a great product and producer, environment and condition of the human reality in the contemporaneity (Borja, Castells, 1997; Lefebvre, 2008). This process occurs in dozens of cities around the world. In Brazil, it is not today that cities are important. Some authors of urban history reveal that in the case of Brazil, the cities were of great importance for the consolidation of Portuguese domination (Abreu, 1996; Reis Filho, 2000) and for the own country on the world stage. However, from the twentieth century is possible to see a transition from an agrarian country to an urban Brazil (Santos, 2008), in which most of the population lives in cities, and where the cities are not merely human agglomeration but command centers of political dynamics, cultural, economic and social of the country (Santos, 2008a, 2008b). In this context of transition * I thank the english revision made by Fernanda Gomes and Leandro Gonçalves. 1 Geographer, Master in Urban and Regional Planning - IPPUR / UFRJ, CAPES.
from an agrarian country to an urban country that are created in some cities throughout Brazil, especially Goiânia in Goiás State; Brasília, the federal capital and a great realization of high modernism of Le Corbusier (Bauman, 1999) and Palmas in Tocantins State, the last planned capital of twentieth century (Segawa, 1991). Palmas, founded in 1989, has in its genesis in some social tensions, which promoted the creation of the districts of the city in true enclaves of low-income population (Lira, 1994). On the other hand, some elements now present in the dynamic city as great real estate projects, large companies, banks and others converged, promoting the formation of new centers, which is also expressed as a function of the segregation process rooted in the production process of urban space in Palmas. Far from the guiding principles of the basic plan, result of an architecture design, the city is in process of urbanization and massive occupation of urban land. This occupation has occurred in different ways and with a clear segregation, where today the price of land and housing in the master plan is the factor that prevents the appropriation of the city as a whole, differently the start of the city. But this does not erase some processes that help to explain some elements of the city, especially districts, result of segregation process. At the same time, there has been strong action of private capital, through companies that are setting up in the city, changing socio-spatial dynamic, and the urban landscape, resulting in a restructuring in all aspects. New centers are being formed by reversing the logic of the single center, but giving rise to sub-centers. All these elements shown here guiding the present work in order to understand the dynamics of urban space production in Palmas, which combines simultaneously and in a unique way, tensions and convergences reflected in space. It presents a discussion about the process of production of urban space in Palmas - TO, the last planned capital of twentieth century (Segawa, 1991), focusing on the formation of the neighborhoods located in south of the city, which arise as a product of segregation that had direct action from the state. FORMATION OF PALMAS Palmas city before an architectural construction represents victory and break with a separation process that distinguished Goiás State in two large areas. The center-south of the state represented the developed part, while the north of the state, today Tocantins, presented itself as an area with poor conditions of human development (Barbosa, 1999; Lira, 1994). From the separation of these two large areas, in 1988 with the Federal Constitution, was created Tocantins State. Though, the creation of Tocantins has brought the need for a capital, which in state legislation, already pointed to the creation of a "new" city, rather than adopting an existing town, as elsewhere in Brazil. Nevertheless, this idea of a "new" city, in the case of Palmas, is the target of criticism and reflections, particularly regards the basis of guiding the city's urban form.
Figure 1 Schematic sketches of the party of urban Palmas. (Velasques, 2010) Some say that the basic plan of GrupoQuatro 2, produced by Luíz Fernando Teixeira Cruvinel and coparticipation of Walfredo Antunes de Oliveira Filho, also called urban project or master plan, has notorious connections with some planned cities of Brazil, namely, Goiânia and Brasília (Lira, 1994; Cocozza, 2008). This binding occurs because of the distribution of the blocks and avenues, the three powers, executive, legislative and judiciary are located in Praça dos Girassóis, in downtown; and the location of the districts, which some say are equal the satellite towns such as as in Brasilia. For Lira (1994, p. 257) the connection with the urban precepts of Brasilia is justified because the governor of that time, José Wilson Siqueira Campos was "an unconditional lover of the accomplishments of President Juscelino Kubitschek," for the author "Siqueira Campos had dreamed following the master's footsteps and create a city like Brasilia. On the other hand, some indicate that it is a singular project, such as Silva (2008) and Velasques (2010). Even the architects of the own GrupoQuatro say that this is a city whose design is unique for its time and in no way followed the guidelines of high modernism 3. One of the architects responsible for the design of Palmas, said: The choice of an orthogonal road network, in chess, besides economic, adapt well to urban site, secured almost didactic simplicity to implement the plan. The road basic system and the modules of 2 GrupoQuatro is a company located in Goiânia, established in 1974 providing consulting services in architecture, urban planning and engineering and was the company which was given responsibility for creating the plan of Palmas, also called the basic plan. 3 In the urban, this concept (functionalism) is not the same, the city can not only be called functionalist funcionalist would Brasilia. In the tradition of urban planning, Brasília is functionalist - determination of the area - where I have always said and I repeat: we were not, nor could we be so, our origin is another, greater flexibility in the provision of 87 "areas" here than, for example, Brasilia. The superblock is a concept that has its origin in the neighborhood unit U.S., all the buildings in them are determined. The superblock is the proposal of something built and blocks Palmas promote a division and a chance to use that causes them to have different results. The superblock in the history of urbanism, one thing is definite, the superblock concept is a concept that has changed its name in Brazil, the neighborhood unit. The neighborhood unit is a concept where you have the distribution of buildings in a given space, as the courts were designed here, we did not want to call superblock, they are great, however, are not super. We do not ascribe to that because the concept is another. It is the concept of division from the spontaneity, in which the result is the use and occupation of land another concept!. Architects of GrupoQuatro in an interview with Valeria CristinaPereira da Silva. (SILVA, 2008, 86/7)
the blocks are the main elements of generators and disciplinarians of urban settlements (our translation). (Teıxeıra, 2009, p. 95) On the one hand there is a city project, imposed on the territory in form of circles and straight lines, in other words, the geometry materialized the city and created an aspect of planning. On the other hand, this project, whose government interference was remarkable, actually, evicted some individuals to areas where basic plan has not reached yet, bringing forth the formation of periphery on the urban fringe. Thus, the basic plan of Palmas is appointed as a project that represents a set of ecological and humanistic ideas (Velasques, 2010). Figure 2 Plan basic of Palmas. (www.grupoquatro.com.br) Nevertheless, the city built in 1989, was expected for accommodate two million inhabitants (GRUPOQUATRO, 2011), but parceled and orderly, without separation of urban functions, as the basic plan. The urban plan tried to avoid excessive separation of urban functions, opening the possibility of coexistence of uses compatible with each other, within the minimum limits of safety, comfort, welfare and configuration of the urban landscape. In some places was foreseen even the traditional building twostorey with shops downstairs and residence upstairs (our translation). (Teixeira, 2009, p. 96) According to the 10 principles of the basic plan of the city, Palmas would be built with characteristic of a traditional town, where the roads would allow the accessibility of the whole population, with an efficient transportation system with express lines 4. Also, they sought a basic plan that would allow viewing the lake and the mountains of Lageado, postcards of the city. In addition, there was also concern about the protection and preservation of the natural environment. These elements, in turn, contradict the assumptions of modern architecture, as modernity does not value nature. Another element that contradicts the idea of modernity is expressed in the city's third principle, which says "ensure that the city has a pedestrian scale, identifiable center, diversity of use and public spaces well characterized"(grupoquatro, 2011). However, they vehemently deny the link with the principles of modern architecture in the ninth principle of the basic plan of Palmas; they propose to avoid the specialization of urban functions, even though this process exists in the city, as we can see in figure 3. 4 In this type of transport express lines are called Eixão 1 and 2, both starting and meeting the same targets, namely Taquaralto Terminal and Terminal located at Central Avenue Teotônio Insured. The feeder lines serve as helper Eixão lines, as they lead the population that resides in the courts and in some neighborhoods to bus stops where you can make integrations with Eixão over a period of 2 hours, and limited to two or three integrations.
Figure 3 Division functional of blocks in Palmas (http://procidade.wordpress.com/page/2/) Silva (2008, p. 86) reflects on the issue of zoning in Palmas city, especially, comparing the similarities between the blocks of Brasilia and Palmas. He says: We realize that there is a big confusion between function, design and zoning, when we are talking about Palmas blocks. In observation in loco of these blocks, what we see are different blocks in their designs and multi-functional - residential block with small shop, church etc., as we detail in the next topic. And as regards to superblocks, there is not even any relation [...]. (our translation). In turn, Lira (1995, p. 262) when dealing with the genesis of Palmas, he analyzes the blocks of the city in relation to the superblocks of Brasilia, and says: The division of the city in the model superblocks of Brasília, defined the theoretical occupation of Palmas urban land, distributed along its route, the land use is represented in the specific function of each block and its location within the city's master plan. (our translation). Therefore, there is no consensus about Palmas project that sometimes has characteristics of high modernism and on other occasions has characteristics that deny the modernism of Le Corbusier. Discuss these elements are important to explain the formation of districts, which as stated previously, appear in urban edge as a product of segregation. FORMATION OF PALMAS NEIGHBORHOOD The Brazilian urban reality is replete with examples of cities where the poorest people are prevented from fully enjoy the city. For example, in Rio de Janeiro city in the early twentieth century, the mayor Pereira Passos through health policy made a real urban reform, demolishing buildings, paving streets and avenues, thus expelling the population that inhabited many slums in downtown. This reform was based on urban reform held in Paris by Hausmann in the nineteenth century. Another example we can mention is the federal capital, Brasilia, where there is no affordable housing or or any housing targeted to low-income people in the Pilot Plan, making the satellite towns into large clusters of this type of population. In Palmas case, there is a process sui generis, this is because unlike other cities where areas just were not designed for low-income population, in Palmas there was also a police barricades at the entrance of the city to prevent access of this type of population to the basic plan. Intended an orderly and sequenced occupation the government ordered the closure of the highway on the edge of Taquaralto. Thus all immigrants that arrived without a definite place to live, was forced to unload their change in Taquaralto. Turning it into a densely populated neighborhood, this place received from
government all support infrastructures and was later added to a deployment project on its opposite banks now called Aureny's neighborhood [...]. (our translation). (Prefeitura Municipal de Palmas, 2001, p. 15) As we can see, initially Palmas was simply an architectural design in which there was no room for low-income population. That is, besides not plan areas for low-income people also used the police force to prevent access to the city. This fact occurred early in the occupation of the city was what led to the formation of neighborhoods, namely, Jardins Aureny's I, II, III, IV. The State, represented by governor and mayor of that time, in order to make an organized occupation of the city, removed the inhabitants with lower purchasing power from downtown area and from surrounding blocks (first areas to be occupied in the basic plan of Palmas), forcing them to live in suburbs called Jardins Aureny's I, II, III and IV, which emerged to house the population with this characteristic (Lira, 1994). The neighborhoods Jardins Aureny's are built from 1990. The names given to four neighborhoods of Palmas - that have been deployed outside the time allowed by the original master plan of the state capital of Tocantins (Lira, 1995) - were chosen to pay tribute to then-first lady of the state, Aureny Siqueira Campos. Thus, the districts are divided according to their chronological order of creation. (...) South of the river Taquarussu with 4869's (the process is already well advanced occupation), there arose a sort of satellite Palmas: popular allotments Aurenis villages named in honor of the first lady of the state (lady Aureny Siqueira Campos) and north of the river Cold water, with 4625's. These areas are called "Urban Sprawl" are present in the design of the city and were reserved for future expansion of Palmas, so that it has the potential to contain a population over 2 million inhabitants. (our translation) (LIRA, 1995, p. 261) However, please note, the area's Jardins Aureny s was planned for future housing (Lira, 1995). However, as the master plan was somewhat exclusionary segregation by defining an area for the rich and the poor, in this context was the formation of Jardins Aureny's. Today other areas include the neighborhoods and districts situated in the south of the city, some of them prior to the creation of Palmas, as in the neighborhoods Taquaralto and the district Taquaruçu. Fruit of the segregation process promoted by the State (Lira, 1994; Coriolano & Oliveira, 2008), which did not allow immediate access of the population with low purchasing power to the basic plan, the Palmas neighborhoods, express the dynamics of expropriation of dis advantaged people both the city and urban services. For Correa (2002, p. 27) "residential segregation can also result from a direct and explicit action of the state thought planning, in creating, from scratch, from urban centers." (our translation) Indeed, it is important to remember that the neighborhoods location, south of town and out of the basic plan says a lot about the construction of the city. Furthermore, these areas have poor urban services, different from the city blocks. That said, we can see through the Palmas neighborhoods the materialization of the tensions in the social space, as Bourdieu argues (1999, p. 160), "the social space is retranslates in physical space." (our translation) Thus, south neighborhoods of Palmas are neighborhoods that have formed in principle of poor migrants, who did not have sufficient financial resources for acquisition of houses or lots in the basic plan, these people were taken by government action to reside in neighborhoods because they should be kept the distance. Such action to prevent free access to the city boasted a strong occupation of urban land in these neighborhoods, providing the increased population density in the area south of the city, concentrating, even today, a significant portion of the urban population of Palmas (figure 4).
Figure 4 Map of population density of Palmas [http://www.palmas.to.gov.br/portalprefeitura/servicos/seduh/ (Adapted by author)] As noted, Jardins Aureny's were the first neighborhoods inside / outside" of Palmas (Costa, 2008). Inside Palmas, when we are talking about the boundary of the municipality, but in reality, they are out of the plan idealized and designed by the architects of Group Quatro, that intended at first, occupy the blocks of the master plan, and later the neighborhood would be formed (Lira, 1994). Moreover, the meaning "out" refers primarily to the social aspect, the districts were segregated from the beginning by the government, and today the population, especially the residents of the area south of the city (COSTA, 2008), keep a clear separation
from the rest of the city where we can find two groups: established and excluded (Elias, 2000). Moreover, the neighborhoods that make up the south area of Palmas are undergoing a process of stigmatization, especially with adjectives that relate the area with "slum" and "periphery." Despite the incorporation of these areas, which constitute part of the city in the urban perimeter of Palmas, this did not provide a break with the logic of segregation. Moreover, in the case of Jardins Aureny I, we can see public devices confirming the segregation, as in the case of signs that indicate the names of Taquaralto, Palmas and Porto Nacional; these last two names are of cities while the first one is a neighborhood. It is important to mention here also that on TO-050 highway, near the bus station; there are also signs, which often give impression that they are indicating the direction of different cities. Figure 5 Signs in front of the bus station in Palmas (Costa, 2008) Figure 6 Signs at the entrance of Jardim Aureny I (Costa, 2008) The neighborhoods of the south area in Palmas form a periphery in the physical sense, and above all, institutional and social, that besides being an enclave for the population with low purchasing power, so stigmatized, they are less satisfied with some urban public services. This process is not exclusive Palmas; it is repeated in several other cities as well as in Latin America and Asia (Borja & Castells, 1997). In this sense, such as taught by Durham (1988, p. 173) "the periphery is formed by the most remote, poorest, least served by public transports and services (our translation). Furthermore, for Bourdieu (1997, p. 161) "is the relation between the distribution of agents and distribution of goods in the space that defines the value of different regions of reified social space." (our translation) Nevertheless, the speculation was one of the forms in the past of segregation. It is still a separation factor and it remains a vector of segregation, because all the blocks that constitute the basic plan have lots and houses that still are inaccessible the most residents of the south area. Similarly, in these blocks the value of rent is quite high; this factor hinders the access of several families. All these elements imprison the population where they live, in other words, segregation imposes a prison for them, leaving them immobilized, turning the stigmatized inhabitants of Palmas in prisoners of their neighborhood. Thus, lack of capital intensifies the experience of finitude: it arrest to a place (Bourdieu, 1997, p. 164). In this sense, it is clear that "cities are designed primarily to accommodate the development and market expansion, and not such social production, and social conditions resulting from this dynamic appear in the plan only as background" (Oliveira & Coriolano, 2008, p. 2). As in other Brazilian cases, was not allowed the full right to the city (Lefebvre, 2008b), part of Palmas inhabitants. PALMAS TODAY... The urbanization process in Palmas is still ongoing, since many areas of the urban are unoccupied or in process of allotment by developers real estate. This fact has been happening in both blocks and neighborhoods, transforming the reality of the city, once limited to a few urban areas. At the same time, there
is an urban restructuring, which assigns new functions to different parts of the city, which means new centers. (Spósito, 1991). New companies with national reach are installing branches in various parts of city and there are large real estate projects underway that are transforming the real socio-spatial reality of this place. In the case of large real estate projects, they are located mainly in blocks, increasing further the price of land. At the same time there is a growing banking network in the city, which is allowing an increase in the number of banks throughout the city, including the peripheral areas. All these elements have been promoting the formation of new centers, especially in neighborhoods that once that once maintained relationship with the center only in search of non-existent services in your area. This process has promoted the formation of a sub-center that Sposito (1991) conceptualizes as the area of the city where various activities are being allocated whereas before existing only in the city center. In turn, regarding the stigma which the inhabitants from the neighborhoods were subjected due to the formation history of those areas, there is still a certain stigma that we can see observing the relationship between the residents of the blocks and neighborhoods, even after some public objects that affirmed the segregation had been removed, as some signs. There is no doubt that now there is a greater integration of neighborhoods with the blocks, either because of public transport or because of new centers, but there is still much to do before finish off the segregationist logic. The process of segregation, undoubtedly promoted the formation of an area that is not only densely populated, but that provides numerous services, once found only in the city center. In addition, numerous housing programs of the federal government and state for population with low purchasing power are being built on the outskirts of the city. Companies in many different areas of the service sector are also deploying branches in this area. Meanwhile, the speculation on the courts increasingly involves expulsion of those who do not have much purchasing power. In addition to the large real estate projects, as previously mentioned, the price of urban land on the court is increasingly high, becoming a barrier to ownership of blocks in all its dimensions. As noted, the city of Palmas is in the process of restructuring, with new setting architectural and urban, different from those in the basic plan (Silva, 2008; Velasques, 2010). On the other hand, Palmas neighborhoods perhaps live now a less problematic situation. The isolation that the neighborhoods were submitted by several factors early in the process of creating the city, over the years transformed this area in a place provided with commercial services such as bank, department store and other, which resulted also in autonomy of neighborhoods in relation to city center. There are countless companies that cater to local residents, now they do not need to go downtown often. Added to this the fact that there are settlements more accessible to low-income population in the south, today these areas are not limited to the four Jardins Aureny's, although still form the periphery of the city, both in terms of location and social issues. We can still say that the promoters of segregation changed their action and form, but there is still in the production of urban space logic of segregation, without it, it is impossible to understand the urban dynamics of the city. But there is still a city in the process of urbanization, which, besides helping to understand the nature of capitalist, also reveals the tensions and convergences that there is in the production of urban space. CONCLUSION The production of urban space in Palmas, with many conflicts and contradictions expressed, as in other cities the expropriation of the poor, without any public policy for the inclusion of this portion of the population. Instead, increasingly there is a "privatization of blocks", and housing programs for lower classes of societyand literally built in the neighborhoods on the urban periphery. In turn, the social stigma imposed on neighborhoods still exists, which means that these spacesare seen by the city's portion of the residents and even the authorities, as pockets of poverty.
The capital public and private comprise a symbiosis that has transformed the city as a whole, whether in physical size and in social, giving new shape to the social fabric, still fragmented. The relationship between center and periphery has meantnew spatiality, promoting new centers. The dimension of experience has also been modified in the light of these new socio-spatial contexts. Strictly speaking, it is still a city in a consolidation, not in relation to the territory, but in its social constitution, architectural, and other, as far escaped the standards set out in its initial design. The last planned capital of the twentieth century is also a great human laboratory, different from Brasilia. From recent production, today the city has been the focus of numerous investments in the services sector, which has had great growth over the years. There is also a break from the public sphere, in this very life of the city, but which today has reached certain independence, following the city withoutmuch dependence on government. But there are striking partnership between thepublic and private spheres that gradually change the city, especially since thebeginning of the century. Finally, we can ask: what is the nature of the production of urban space in Palmas today? What is the role of public and private actors in the dynamics of production of space? What are the socio-spatial transformations produced by the transition of a horizontal city to a vertical city? How large companies are opening branches in Palmas and throughout Tocantins State help modify the productive dynamics local and regional? What is the role of Palmas in this new dynamic urban-regional? These questions still unanswered, certainly help to understand the production of urban space Palmas. More than that, are mainly used to reassess the city's role in the dynamics of the state, not only because it is the state capital, but especially for going through substantial changes in recent years, which should be taken into consideration for a better understanding and so the city's social fabric. REFERENCES ABREU, M. Evolução urbana do Rio de Janeiro. Rio de Janeiro. Jorge Zahar Editor, 1987. ABREU, M. Pensando a cidade no Brasil no passado. In CASTRO; GOMES e CORRÊA (orgs.). Brasil. Questões atuais da reorganização do território. Rio de Janeiro: Bertrand Brasil, 1996 (pgs. 145-184). BARBOSA, Y. M. As políticas territoriais e a criação do Estado do Tocantins. São Paulo, 1999. 158 f. Tese (Doutorado em Geografia Humana). Faculdade de Filosofia, Letras e Ciências Humanas, Universidade de São Paulo. BAUMAN, Z. Globalização: as consequências humanas. Rio de Janeiro. Jorge Zahar Editor, 1999. BORJA, J; CASTELLS, M. Local y global: La gestión de las ciudades en la era de la información. Madrid. Taurus, 1997. BOURDIEU, P. Efeitos do lugar, In: BOURDIEU, P. (Org.) A Miséria do Mundo, Vozes, Petrópolis, 1997. COCOZZA, G.P. Paisagem e urbanidade: os limites do projeto urbano na conformação de lugares em Palmas. São Paulo, 2007. 253 p. Tese (doutorado em arquitetura e urbanismo) Faculdade de Arquitetura e Urbanismo. Universidade de São Paulo. CORRÊA, R. L. O espaço urbano. 4.ed. São Paulo. Ática, 2002. COSTA, A.S.V. Nós e outros, identidade e pertencimento de bairro: um estudo de caso no Jardim Aureny I Palmas TO. Porto Nacional, 2008. 85 f. Monografia (Bacharelado em Geografia). UFT. DURHAM, E. R. A Sociedade Vista da Periferia. IN. LÚCIO, K (Org). As Lutas Sociais e a Cidade. São Paulo. Paz e Terra, 1988. EGLER, T.T.C. Espaço social e política urbana global. In. POGGIESE, H & EGLER, T.T.C. Outro desarrollo urbano: ciudad incluyente, justicia social y gestión democrática. Buenos Aires. CLACSO, 2009. ELIAS, N & SCOTSON, J. L. Os estabelecidos e os outsiders: sociologia das relações de poder a partir de uma pequena comunidade. Rio de Janeiro. Jorge Zahar Editor, 2000. LEFEBVRE, H. A revolução urbana. Belo Horizonte. UFMG, 2008. LEFEBVRE, H. O direito a cidade. São Paulo. Centauro, 2008b.
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