KIVA, Vol. 61, No. 3, 1996

KIVA, Vol. 61, No. 3, 1996 PITCHERS TO MUGS: CHACOAN REVIVAL AT SAND CANYON PUEBLO BRUCE A. BRADLEY Crow Canyon Archaeological Center Cortez, CO 81321 ABSTRACT Historically, cultural revitalization movements have been a common mechanism of culture change among North American indigenous groups. Drawing on research at Sand Canyon Pueblo, this article applies a model of the revitalization process to the mid-thirteenth century in the Mesa Verde region. Architectural forms and ritual artifacts appear to reflect a rational, revivalistic, nativistic movement, heavily based on Chacoan symbolism. An example of this may be the replacement of ritual Chacoan pitchers by formalized Mesa Verde-style mugs. The decision of Puebloan peoples to leave the region late in the century may have been substantially influenced by a failed revitalization movement. RESUMEN Historicamente, los movimientos de revitalizaci6n cultural han sido un mecanismo comun en el cambio cultural en grupos indigenas norteamericanos. En base a estudios en Sand Canyon Pueblo, en este articulo se utiliza un modelo de revitalizacion para documentar procesos culturales en la regidn de Mesa Verde a mediados del siglo XIII. Formas arquitect6nicas y artefactos rituales parecen reflejar un movimiento racional, restaurador, y nativista, basado extensivamente en el simbolismo Chaco. Un ejemplo seria el reemplazo de jarras rituales Chaco con jarros de estilo formal Mesa Verde. La decisi6n de los grupos Pueblo de abandonar la regi6n a finales del siglo XIII podria haber sido influenciada substancialmente por el fracaso del movimiento de rvilaizacidn. In the mid-thirteenth century, the Mesa Verde region of the American Southwest underwent massive cultural change. Evidence in the archaeological record suggests a region-wide shift in settlement patterns (Varien and others, in press) and the introduction of new forms of civic architecture (Bradley 1991; Bradley and Churchill 1994, 1995). This process was not unique to the Mesa Verde region; disruption of the archaeological record and settlement reorganization occurred throughout the Colorado Plateau during this time. Although the causes of such dramatic change have been attributed primarily to environmental and horticultural productivity factors (Petersen 1986), it is likely that cultural mechanisms also acted as a catalyst (Van West 1994) since the availability of productive farm land remained adequate to support a substantial population. REVITALIZATION MOVEMENTS Ten years of research at the Late Pueblo III site of Sand Pueblo in southwestern Colorado prompted the following interpretation of culture change in 241

242 BRADLEY Steady State Routinization Individual Stress Cultural Transformation Cultural Distortion AdaptationRevitalization Oganization Codification Communication Figure 1. Schematic of a revitalization movement (after Wallace 1966:158-163). the Mesa Verde region. Many of the changes can be explained by a revitalization process common in North American Indian history (Wallace 1966: 157-163). Wallace defined a revitalization movement as "any conscious, organized effort of a society to construct a more satisfying culture," and he identified ten stages. These are: the steady state, the period of increased individual stress, the period of cultural distortion, the period of revitalization, formulation of a code, communication, organization, adaptation, cultural transformation, routinization, and back to a steady state (see Wallace 1966: 158-163 for definitions). Not strictly unidirectional, these stages represent parts of a cycle (Figure 1). Revitalization succeeds only when the process moves through the whole cycle. At any point, circumstances may truncate the process, causing it to begin again. Wallace (1966:211) describes the conditions that may predispose a culture to a revitalization movement. In historically documented movements, prolonged contact with a competing culture is the prominent condition, however other circumstances can also trigger dramatic change. These include "adaptations to war or natural catastrophe, uncontrolled innovation, segmentation resulting from factionalism, class and caste differentiation, age and sex distinctions, regionalism, or even individual differences" (Wallace 1966: 211).

Chacoan Revival at Sand Canyon Pueblo 243 Along these same lines, Linton (1943:231) describes a common mechanism of revitalization in North American indigenous groups as nativistic movements. Often inspired by individuals, these movements were a response to massive cultural disruption caused by the interface between the dominant society (Euroamerican) and traditional, generally tribal, societies. Historic examples include Handsome Lake [Seneca 1799] (Wallace 1966: 212); Tecumseh [Shawnee 1800-1812]; the Ghost Dances [1870 and 1890] (Utter 1991:3-7); Darodira Cult [Cibeque Apache 1903-1906]; and the White Mountain Apache Prophet [1920](Goodwin and Kaut 1954). Revitalization movements are evident in origin myths and oral histories that clearly predate European contacts - for example, Hiawatha and the origin of the League of Iroquois (Wallace 1966:33-34). Examples from the Southwest are Po-Se-Yemo in Tewa and Po'shai-ani in Keresan histories (Bandelier 1984). These histories may refer to the thirteenth century or earlier. A characteristic shared by historically documented nativistic movements is a harkening back to earlier times, viewed as the good old days. La Barre (1970:305) states that "stress, trauma, and wounded narcissism invariably thrust both individuals and societies back into autistic preoccupation with the old and intimate." Revelations, visions, and rituals relate to "certain current or remembered elements of a culture [which] are selected for emphasis and given symbolic value" (Linton 1943:231). A culture can operate only from what it knows, or thinks it knows (La Barre 1970:305). Individual visionaries and small groups of followers were a common means of transmitting concepts and symbolism. The rich anthropological literature dealing with cultural movements (revivalistic, nativistic, messianic, cargo, etc.) contributes to our understanding of cultural change in the archaeological record. REVITALIZATION AND THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL RECORD Much has been written about historical accounts of revitalization movements, but what archaeological evidence do they produce? Archaeological evidence is most apparent where durable civic architecture was built and material culture included distinct "ceremonial" items. In addition, the expression of symbolism in design and iconography can reflect culture change resulting from a revitalization process. We have only to learn to identify and interpret the archaeological record. Although not framed in terms of a revitalization movement, the interpretation of the origin of the Katsina Cult (Schaafsma and Schaafsma 1974, Adams 1991) has relied heavily on settlement, ritual, and iconographic data. Applying a revitalization model to the mid-thirteenth century in the Mesa Verde region provides a helpful mechanism for interpretation of the known archaeological record. It may be possible to recognize how the movement was organized and what some of its basic symbolic expressions were.

244 BRADLEY EVIDENCE FROM THE MESA VERDE REGION The following discussion summarizes an initial attempt to interpret the archaeological record of the mid-thirteenth century in the Mesa Verde region in terms of a revitalization movement. Evidence stems from settlement pattern changes, architectural configurations, specialized artifacts, and mortuary practices. Comparisons are made to the earlier Chaco Phenomenon of the eleventh and twelfth centuries as expressed at Pueblo Bonito (Lekson 1986), Aztec West Ruin (Morris 1919, Lister and Lister 1987), and Wallace Ruin (Bradley 1988), as well as to the late thirteenth century sites of Mug House (Rohn 1971), Long House (Cattanach 1980), and Sand Canyon Pueblo (Bradley 1992, 1993). Volumes of research and interpretation have been presented about Chaco Canyon and the "Chaco Phenomenon," particularly in the past decade (Judge and Shelberg 1984, Vivian 1990, Sebastian 1992). It is not my intent to present the most current thinking here. Whatever the Chaco Phenomenon was, it clearly involved a large proportion of the people living on the Colorado Plateau, incorporated a shared religious and symbolic system (represented by great house architecture and the surrounding ritual landscapes), and had a profound and lasting effect on its descendant groups (see Lekson and Cameron 1994, for a fuller discussion). I also subscribe to the special ritual and ceremonial significance of Chaco Canyon. There is not currently the same depth of literature available for the Mesa Verde region, and a need exists to synthesize that which is available. Research projects that are more than site-specific or intensively excavate more than one site are limited here as in other areas of the Southwest. Excavations have occurred in the Yellow Jacket area, and as part of the large Dolores Archaeological Project that dealt mostly with Pueblo I remains. Another exception is the on-going work at Sand Canyon Pueblo by the Crow Canyon Archaeological Center (Lipe 1992). Although a final synthesis of this research has not been presented, information from this project forms the basis of the following discussion. Architecture and Settlement Patterns Investigations at Sand Canyon Pueblo (Figure 2) reveal an estimated 500 structures (Lipe 1992). Nine field seasons resulted in the total excavation of six architectural units, 50 percent of a D-shaped building, testing of a great kiva and surrounding rooms, testing of 12 standard kivas and another room, and testing of non-architectural portions of the site. Chronological reconstructions indicate that site construction was started in about A.D. 1250

Chacoan Revival at Sand Canyon Pueblo 245 SKEY S Block 1000 Unexcavated rooms BlO0iock 100 [ kiva and walls Site-enclosing wall Architectural O. Excavated block structures Site 0boundary Block 300 o Clf Block Block 400 400 Block 200 Spring Sit-enclosing wall Block O0 O. a **...O ".10.B600 Boc a Clock.Ck ok0 0 20 Block 701200 ` Site-enclosing wall Figure 2. Sand Canyon Pueblo (5MT765) plan map, showing the locations of the great kiva and D-shaped building. with additions until at least A.D. 1274. Construction and dating evidence indicates that the site enclosing wall, the great kiva, and the D-shaped building were probably built first, or at least very early in the site's history. Of special interest is the variation seen in the makeup of architectural units. Blocks of architecture include groupings of standard kiva units (a kiva, open space, and between 8 and 12 associated rooms), a room-dominated block (30 rooms and a single kiva), and kiva-dominated blocks with less than four rooms per kiva. The majority of the standard architectural blocks are on the east side of the site, while most of the kiva-dominated blocks, the room-dominated block, and the civic architecture (great kiva, D-shaped building, central plaza) are on the west side. A case has been made that the site as a whole was planned with functional zones including domestic, special, and community activities (Bradley 1993). Along with extensive architectural remains, the site was abandoned with

246 BRADLEY rich artifact assemblages in use associated contexts. These assemblages have allowed final use interpretations for most of the excavated structures and open spaces. Extensive sampling of the central D-shaped building has yielded architectural and artifactual information that indicates that it served a special, probably ceremonial, function. Although there are no other sites exactly like Sand Canyon Pueblo, it possesses characteristics common to many other late Pueblo III aggregated sites in the Mesa Verde region. These similarities include a canyon-head location, incorporation of a spring, enclosing walls and/or walls with unknown function (Kenzle 1993), and freestanding D-shaped structures that incorporate one or more kivas. Widely overlooked but equally important is a late Pueblo III pattern of reuse of abandoned Chaco outlier sites. This reuse has been noted at Aztec West (Lister and Lister 1987), and Salmon Ruin (Ferguson and Rohn 1987) in the San Juan/Animas River areas of northern New Mexico, and Wallace Ruin (Bradley 1988) in the Montezuma Valley of southwestern Colorado. Thirteenth century reuse of great house sites in Chaco Canyon has also been documented (Vivian 1990:388). This reuse seems to focus on mortuary and ritual activities, but may include habitation (Lekson and Cameron 1994). I believe that this divergence from the general settlement pattern represents a significant expression of how late Pueblo III peoples in the Mesa Verde region understood the historical landscape. In terms of civic architecture, the seemingly abrupt appearance of complex D-shaped buildings and structures in the thirteenth century is of particular significance. Three have been excavated or sampled in the Mesa Verde region: Sun Temple on Mesa Verde (Fewkes 1916), Horseshoe Ruin in the Hovenweep area (Thompson 1993:16), and at Sand Canyon Pueblo. Many more have been noted at the late thirteenth century Mesa Verde area sites of Cannonball, Castle Rock Pueblo, and Woods Canyon Pueblo (Ian Thompson, Crow Canyon Archaeological Center, personal communication). Although D-shaped buildings at Sun Temple and Horseshoe Ruin are poorly documented, they share a number of traits with other known D-shaped buildings. Most are massively built and are located above and near the edge of a cliff; they are oriented straight side to the south or southeast; they have outer and inner concentric walls subdivided into rooms; and they have an interior open courtyard and may incorporate kivas into their interior spaces. Unfortunately, the data from Sun Temple and Horseshoe Ruin are not sufficient to determine whether or not some other traits seen at Sand Canyon Pueblo are also present. These include the presence of multiple stories, an amphitheater-like terraced effect, internal and external accesses, plastering, and painting. The important symbolic components are central community

Chacoan Revival at Sand Canyon Pueblo 247 location, verticality of the structures (enhanced by the proximity to a cliff face), terraced effect, interior courtyard (amphitheater effect), elaboration of architectural expression in terms of construction effort and plastering, and their D-shape. These D-shaped structures in the Mesa Verde region are reminiscent of, and possibly functionally and symbolically equivalent to, Pueblo Bonito in Chaco Canyon. They are scaled-down versions of a central D-shaped building there that represented the essence of the "good old days." Pitchers and Mugs There are also correspondences between some ritual artifact forms in Chaco great house sites and in the late Pueblo III Mesa Verde region sites. One of these correspondences is between Chaco-McElmo Black-on-white (Toll and McKenna 1987; Windes 1985) pitchers and Mesa Verde Black-onwhite mugs. Judd (1954) discusses the presence and distribution of pitchers in the "Chaco-San Juan group," characterized by organic paint, a dotted rim, a concave base, and cylindrical to conical necks. He likened the pitchers' shape and ornamentation to "the well-known 'beer stein' mug of the Mesa Verde area" (Judd 1954:203). He noted that the form was basically the same as the contemporary hatched design pitchers, Chaco Black-on-white, but that the Chaco-San Juan types were much scarcer. Of the forty-one Chaco-McElmo Black-on-white pitchers found at Pueblo Bonito, 83 percent came from four burial rooms in the old section of the ruin (Pepper 1920:377). The remainder were distributed throughout the site, and their specific locations are not reported. It is probably not a coincidence that these same burial rooms yielded the majority of cylinder vases that have been recovered from sites in Chaco Canyon. Of the two Chaco- McElmo Black-on-white pitchers recovered from Pueblo del Arroyo in Chaco Canyon, one was associated with a burial (Judd 1959:154). The occurrence of Chaco-McElmo Black-on-white pitchers with burials, and in association with other rare artifact forms, indicates that the pitchers' final use, and probably main function, was ritual. The similarity between Chaco pitcher forms and Mesa Verde mugs has also been observed in the Mesa Verde area. According to Cattanach, "The mug seems to be a late development, derived from the earlier pitcher" (1980:202). The mug form superseded the pitcher form as indicated by the near total lack of pitchers in late thirteenth-century sites such as Mug House, Long House, and Sand Canyon Pueblo. The corresponding attributes between Chaco-McElmo pitchers and Mesa Verde mugs are: organic paint (with some exceptions), ticked rims, design similarities, vertical strap handles, and bases that are designed for flat

248 BRADLEY Figure 3. Drawing by the author of a stylized Chaco-McElmo Black-on-white pitcher (actual height = 17.5 cm) and a Mesa Verde Black-on-white mug. surfaces. Both types of ceramics are highly formalized, designed to hold liquid, and basically cylindrical. Mesa Verde mugs look like Chaco-McElmo pitchers with the bottom lopped off (Figure 3). The role of Mesa Verde mugs in the pottery assemblages of the late Pueblo III times is unclear. A strictly utilitarian interpretation is inadequate. I propose that the mug form did not serve as an everyday drinking vessel, but functioned primarily in ritual activities. It is difficult to identify ritual activities in the archaeological record, but most researchers agree that one ritual context is formal burials. Funerary objects are often used as representations of formal/ritual processes. Are Mesa Verde mugs present in burials in a higher proportion than other vessel forms? Unfortunately, there are few readily available reports where one can assess the relative frequency of various vessel forms, both on whole site assemblages and in formal burials from the same sites. Data from published results of work at Mug House (Rohn 1971) and Long House (Cattanach 1980) on Mesa Verde allow an assessment of the relative proportions of vessel forms within the sites. The burial information from Mug House indicates that pottery vessels were found with 10 of the 27 formal burials. Forms included corrugated jars, whiteware bowls, and mugs. Five of the burials included mugs and six included bowls (some contained both). From this one would conclude that bowls were equivalent to mugs in terms of funerary ritual use. However, one must look at the relative frequencies within the entire assemblage. Rohn (1971:190, Table 20) presents an es-

Chacoan Revival at Sand Canyon Pueblo 249 timate of the numbers of vessels that were present at Mug House by vessel form; 36 percent of the vessels were bowls while only 4 percent were mugs. If bowls and mugs held equal value as mortuary vessels, one might expect ten times as many bowls found in burials as mugs. This is not the case. The same is true at Long House (Cattanach 1980:142-145), where there was an identical number of burials with bowls (n=6) and mugs (n=5) as were found at Mug House. Using Rohn's sherd-count based estimating technique, one may estimate that there were 76 bowls and 6 mugs represented in the sherd assemblage at Long House. Once again mugs are relatively more prevalent in mortuary contexts. The distribution of restored mugs at Sand Canyon Pueblo is much more problematical. They have been encountered in contexts including burials, long term storage rooms, kivas, and open spaces (room roofs and courtyards). They have not been recovered from short term storage rooms, living rooms, towers, mealing rooms, or refuse. It is possible to examine the relative importance of mugs as funerary objects at Sand Canyon Pueblo. Only three burials included mortuary vessels. Two were accompanied by single mugs and one by a single small bowl. A total of 515 mug sherds and 21,584 bowl sherds (including sherds in restored vessels) have been recovered from Sand Canyon Pueblo. Rohn's formula for estimating vessels (49 sherds per bowl and 23 sherds per mug) produces an estimate of 440 bowls and 22 mugs (20:1). Even though there were very few vessels with burials, mugs appear in relatively greater proportions. The distribution of restored vessels from Sand Canyon Pueblo was examined to learn whether or not mugs were evenly distributed within the site. Vessels have been systematically refitted for most of the excavated architectural units. Table 1 lists the distribution of different vessel forms by associated architecture. The small number of vessels recovered from towers, mealing rooms, and refuse makes these locations very difficult to evaluate. Figure 4 graphically illustrates the distribution of vessel forms in terms of architectural context. Kiva jars (including lids) and mugs are primarily associated with kivas and courtyards. Other forms (canteens, ollas, bowls, ladles, corrugated jars, and other miscellaneous forms) are more widely distributed. Alone, these distributions are only suggestive of the possibility of specialized vessel functions, specifically for kiva jars and mugs. In addition to considering distribution and association, it is important to note that the highly formalized mug does not carry over into fourteenth-century Mesa Verde style pottery types (Kidder and Amsden 1931; Knight and Gomolak 1981). If the mug was simply a well-designed utilitarian form, why did it not continue to be made by the descendants of the Mesa Verde people? If it was primarily a ritual form, it could be expected to disappear from the assemblage as different ritual activities were adopted. Another vessel form that did not carry over is the kiva jar.

250 BRADLEY Legend Kiva Jars Mugs other 70-20- 10- Kivas Open Rooms Towers Refuse Architectural Context Figure 4. Sand Canyon Pueblo reconstructed vessel distribution by architectural context. Kivas = kiva main chambers and corner rooms; Open = open spaces (courtyard and room roofs); Rooms = all rooms; Towers = all towers; and Refuse = secondary refuse. Reuse of Chacoan Outlier Sites Only a few "Chacoan outliers", constructed in the late eleventh and early twelfth centuries A.D., have been substantially excavated. Three of these - Aztec West (Morris 1919), Salmon Ruin (Irwin-Williams 1972), and Wallace Ruin (Bradley 1988) - exhibit intensive use in the late thirteenth century. It is unclear whether or not a late twelfth- and early thirteenth-century use of the structures occurred, but it would have been of a very low intensity. Stratigraphic and dendrochronological evidence does not indicate use at Wallace Ruin during this period; faunal evidence suggests a substantial hiatus in use of the site and surrounding area (Shelley 1993). Evidence of reuse at these Chacoan outlier sites shows limited habitation, mortuary activities, and the construction of small kivas. Although midden deposits have been encountered in rooms, these deposits may have resulted from intensive ritual feasting activities rather than normal daily living (Bradley 1988). The lack of built-in food processing features such as metate bins, and the sparsity of formal hearths in rooms other than kivas, also implies an ephemeral or nonpermanent use of the sites. It is also rel-

Chacoan Revival at Sand Canyon Pueblo 251 evant that the area around Wallace Ruin, in the eastern Montezuma Valley, had soils with very good production potential throughout the Anasazi era (Van West 1994). Habitation at Wallace Ruin was dense during the eleventh and early twelfth centuries but was very sparse or nonexistent between A.D. 1150 and the mid- to late thirteenth century period of limited reuse. Given the absence of a resident population in the area, this reuse of the site was not likely a simple matter of convenience. The reuse of the site as a place of ritual - including feasting, deposition of large numbers of functionally useable artifacts, and funerary activity - indicates a function other than habitation. This specialized reuse is not apparent in smaller eleventh and twelfth century habitation sites in the area. The focus on ritual and funerary reinvestment in a Chacoan central site a century after it was abandoned indicates a fundamental spiritual and ritual reconnection to the past. The reuses of Aztec West, Salmon Ruin, and Pueblo Bonito for the same types of activities represent a regional pattern of late Pueblo III behavior. INTERPRETATION Fundamental changes in settlement patterns, land use, and community structure occurred in the mid-thirteenth century throughout the Mesa Verde Table 1. Reconstructed Vessels from Sand Canyon Pueblo. Distribution of Forms by Architectural Context. Vessel Kiva Kiva Short Long Living Tower Mealing Open Space- Refuse Totals Form Main Corner Term Term Room Room Courtyards Chamber Room Storage Storage Room Roofs Bowl 16 7 8 2 2 5 0 25 0 65 Mug 13 7 0 5 0 0 0 9 0 35 Canteen 3 0 0 2 0 0 0 3 0 8 Ladle 3 0 1 1 2 0 1 8 2 18 Olla 3 1 2 2 1 0 0 8 0 17 Kiva Jar* 15 1 1 1 0 0 0 6 0 24 Corrugated Jar 14 2 2 2 2 0 0 3 0 25 Other@ 5 0 0 3 1 0 1 0 2 9 Total 72 18 14 18 8 5 1 62 2 200 *Includes kiva jars (n=10), seed jars (n=2), and kiva jar lids (n==12) @Includes rectangular (n=3) and square (n=l) vessels, bird form (n=1), submarine form (n=2), and other unusual forms (n=2) When a given vessel was reconstructed from different architectural contexts, each context was counted as containing a vessel of that form. This means that a single vessel could be counted more than once.

252 BRADLEY region. These changes were rapid and very similar, suggesting that the changes were instituted within a unified code or set of rules. The stages of a revitalization movement, defined by Wallace's model, can be considered in the following manner. The first stage in the cycle, a steady state, may be used to describe the final episode of Chacoan consolidation in the early A.D. 1100s. Stress, the subsequent stage, occurred with the drought of the midtwelfth century. The next step in the cycle, cultural distortion, corresponds to the mass population movement in the late A.D. 1100s and early 1200s. Revitalization begins in the early thirteenth century with a repopulation of abandoned areas, but various forms of social and environmental stress remain. In accordance with historically documented revitalization movements, I suggest that dramatic revitalization occurred in the Mesa Verde region in the 1240s through the emergence of a charismatic, visionary, "prophet" figure (possibly even Po-Se-Yemo/Poshai-ani). Further exploration of this topic could be the subject of another study. As a rational, revivalistic, nativistic movement (Linton 1943:231-233), this process reflects an effort to recapture past values and traditions (the "good old days"). The revitalization movement responded to and reacted against major social changes occurring to the south in Rio Grande, Zuni, and Hopi areas. According to this model, doctrine became codified through a series of rituals and the adoption of a formalized symbolism expressed in architecture and specialized ritual artifacts. The revitalization movement drew heavily on the perceived "Chacoan" experience, making a spiritual reinvestment in abandoned Chaco great houses. The other stages in Wallace's model may also be applied to the Mesa Verde region. Conceivably, communication of this reorganization of society was achieved through prophesies, persuasion, and proselytizing. The society became organized within this code, and settlement and community structure conformed to it. Adaptation began, but did not become consolidated, preventing completion of the revitalization process. Transformation, routinization, and a newly achieved steady state never developed in the Mesa Verde area. Instead, as organization progressed, stress was reintroduced (possibly in part by the drought of the 1270s) and cultural distortion followed, ultimately leading to physical abandonment of the region. Much of what we know as the Mesa Verde tradition (community structure, special ritual artifact forms) either did not continue or was subsumed into other traditions. Although applied specifically to the Mesa Verde region in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, the revitalization movement model might well explain other changes documented in the Southwestern archaeological record - for example, the appearance of the Salado polychromes as religious symbolism (Crown 1994). Revitalization should not be viewed as a single, isolated episode, either in time or space, as we see by the progress of the cultural devel-

Chacoan Revival at Sand Canyon Pueblo 253 opments of ancestral Puebloan peoples. Perhaps an ultimate revitalization movement successfully achieved a steady state that exists to this day. Pueblo oral traditions may represent just such a record of a succession of revitalization movements. Acknowledgements. Although writing about archaeological theory has never been a goal of mine, I have been encouraged by many to craft a tale or two about ideas resulting from my work. A draft of this paper was presented at the 1994 meeting of the Society for American Archaeology in Anaheim, California. Constructive comments were received from Melissa Churchill, Kristin Kuckelman, Ricky Lightfoot, and Richard Wilshusen. Variations of this topic have been presented to many groups of patient Crow Canyon participants, professional colleagues, and avocationalists. The development of these ideas has been helped by the feedback I received. Thank you one and all. At the same time, I am fully aware of my sole responsibility for the contents of this article. REFERENCES Adams, E. Charles 1991 The Origin and Development of the Pueblo Katsina Cult. University of Arizona Press, Tucson. Bandelier, Adolph F. 1984 The Southwestern Journals of Adolph F. Bandelier 1889-1892. Edited and annotated by Charles H. Lange, Carroll L. Riley, Elizabeth M. Lange. University of New Mexico Press, Albuquerque, and the School of American Research, Santa Fe. Bradley, Bruce A. 1988 Wallace Ruin Interim Report. Southwestern Lore 54(2):8-33. 1991 Excavations in Public Architecture at Sand Canyon Pueblo: The 1991 Field Season. Crow Canyon Archaeological Center, Cortez, Colorado. 1992 Excavations at Sand Canyon Pueblo. In The Sand Canyon Archaeological Project: A Progress Report, edited by William D. Lipe. Occasional Paper 2. Crow Canyon Archaeological Center, Cortez, Colorado. 1993 Planning, Growth, and Functional Differentiation at a Prehistoric Pueblo: A Case Study from Southwestern Colorado. Journal of Field Archaeology 20:23-42. Bradley, Bruce A., and Melissa J. Churchill 1994 Excavations in Civic Architecture at Sand Canyon Pueblo: The 1992 Field Season. Crow Canyon Archaeological Center, Cortez, Colorado. 1995 Annual Report of the 1993 Excavations at Sand Canyon Pueblo (5MT765). Crow Canyon Archaeological Center, Cortez, Colorado. Cattanach, George S. 1980 Long House, Mesa Verde National Park, Colorado. Publications in Archaeology 7H, Wetherill Mesa Studies. National Park Service, Department of the Interior, Washington, D.C. Crown, Patricia L. 1994 Ceramics and Ideology; Salado Polychrome Pottery. University of New Mexico Press, Albuquerque, New Mexico. Ferguson, William, and Arthur H. Rohn 1987 Anasazi Ruins of the Southwest in Color. University of New Mexico Press, Albuquerque. Fewkes, J. Walter 1916 Excavation and Repair of Sun Temple, Mesa Verde National Park. Bulletin 51. Bureau of American Ethnology, Washington D.C. Goodwin, Grenville, and C. Kaut 1954 A Native Religious Movement among the White Mountain and Cibecue Apache. Southwestern Journal of Anthropology 10:385-404.

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