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1 Title: Heat stress, outdoor public space use and implications for public health - Western Sydney a case in point Name: Louise McKenzie Affiliation: PhD Candidate University of New South Wales, Sydney, Australia Senior Landscape Design Officer, Fairfield City Council, Sydney refshaug@tpg.com.au lmckenzie@fairfieldcity.nsw.gov.au Phone: Mobile:

2 Heat stress, outdoor public space use and implications for public health - Western Sydney a case in point Abstract Outdoor public space is important for human health and key to healthy planning and urban design strategies focused on integrating physical activity, social interaction and connections with nature back into urban lifestyles. There is limited research exploring climate-public space-human health relationships and, as yet, healthy planning strategies give marginal consideration to climatic influences. Anticipated climate change scenarios include significant increases in temperature and extreme heat events with serious implications for public space design, planning and use. This paper investigates the effect of heat on people s use of outdoor public space and implications for public health, aiming to better understand the adaptive capacity of local communities in Western Sydney and reflect on healthy planning strategies and climate change adaptation plans. 1. Introduction The use of outdoor public space is important for human health and key to healthy planning and urban design strategies focused on integrating physical activity, social interaction and connections with nature back into urban lifestyles. Climatic conditions, in particular heat, have fundamental effects on human health and behaviour, influencing the use of outdoor public spaces, such as parks, streets and squares. Anticipated climate 2

3 change scenarios for Australia include significant increases in temperature and frequency of extreme heat events, with associated increases in air pollution. Not insignificantly, the IPCC (2007) states an increase in heat-related deaths is one of the most significant health impacts of climate change for Australia, with rates higher in temperate cities than tropical cities and amplified by ageing demographics. These scenarios have serious implications for creating health-supportive urban environments; yet, planning and design give marginal consideration to climatic influences on cities and public space. This paper demonstrates the interrelationships between urban climate, public space use and health, in order to better understand the adaptive capacity of local communities and reflect on healthy planning strategies and climate change adaptation planning. Firstly, the ecological framework for urban population health is outlined, focusing on urban climate, outdoor public space, human comfort, and planning and design considerations. Impacts of heat on human health are then explored, with a view to climate change adaptation planning, adaptive capacity and resilience. Australian perspectives are the focus of discussion, with Fairfield City in Western Sydney presented as a case in point. This paper is based on the literature review conducted for the author s current doctoral research project, which investigates the effect of heat on people s use of outdoor public space and implications for public health in Fairfield City, Western Sydney. 3

4 2. Ecological Framework for Health The contribution of public space to urban population health lies within a broad ecological framework, involving the interaction of human societies within the wider environment, its various ecosystems and other life-support processes. This framework is characterised by integration, interdependency, and feedback processes all within a systems context. By their nature, these processes lack the clear definition, simple processes and precise measurement of many physical and chemical sciences (McMichael. 2001). For populations living in cities, the dominant modern human ecology, the ecological framework for health includes large-scale levels of influence related to physical and socio-cultural environments. The growing incidence of twenty-first century noncommunicable diseases, such as obesity, diabetes, cardio-vascular disease and depression, is linked to complex ecological processes arising from the way we now live, eat, work, travel, build and recreate in urban environments (Kearns et al. 2007). Public space and associated health benefits are integral parts of human ecology and, therefore, affected by and not isolated from their specific physical and socio-cultural contexts, as illustrated by later discussion of Fairfield City. Contemporary planning practice and systems often do not consider human ecology and health issues; yet the quality of the environment and the nature of development are major determinants of urban population health, having profound effect on the long term health 4

5 of citizens (Barton. 2000). Planners spontaneously perceive a link between health and planning, that planning can assist in providing the appropriate infrastructure to encourage people to live a healthier lifestyle, and that health problems related to lifestyle issues are becoming a growing concern; however, compared with other issues such as traffic and parking, health considerations were limited (Foos. 2002). Integral to planning, metropolitan plans set strategic frameworks and visions for Australian cities and play an important role in creating and supporting the development of healthy cities; yet health is rarely highlighted as a separate policy objective and often given derivative attention in the general considerations of transport, infrastructure and social objectives. One consistent dimension of health embodied in Australian planning policy, however, is that of increasing physical activity levels, achievable through the capacities for local governments to provide comfortable, connected public space networks and influence transport mode choices such as walking and cycling (Mead et al. 2006). Healthy planning integrates health and planning objectives and knowledge within an ecological model and involves practices that promote health and wellbeing. It focuses on the way humans interact with their environment rather than simply concentrating on buildings and economics, and values such as equity and collaboration are placed at the centre of decision-making processes (Barton. 2000). Cross-disciplinary approaches and goals inherent in healthy planning include increasing walking and cycling as a means of improving health and quality of life, and creating a sense of place and high quality, well maintained, accessible and connected public spaces for community inclusion and engagement. Cross-disciplinary partnerships are essential to healthy planning policies, 5

6 such as Healthy Spaces & Places: Towards a National Planning Guide, prepared by the Australian Local Government Association, National Heart Foundation of Australia and the Planning Institute of Australia (Planning Institute of Australia. 2009). From a healthy planning perspective, obesity, a major contemporary public health issue, is seen as likely to have emerged from interactions between urban environment variables and those that characterise human physiology and psychology (Newell et al. 2007). As illustrated by the checklist for healthy and sustainable communities developed by Capon et al (2007), a diverse range of interdependent variables in urban environments effect our health, including outdoor air quality, water supply and sanitation, housing and buildings, food, local shops and services, educational institutions, community spaces, transport and street connectivity, communication technology and economy and employment. These variables are essentially physical attributes of urban ecologies and either directly or indirectly affect public space use by influencing levels of physical activity, safety and sense of security, food access and choices, sound and noise exposure, thermal exposure, exposure to air and water pollutants and contaminated land, access and participation, social connection, conviviality, contact with nature and time use. Emerging planning challenges related to growth, urban consolidation and ageing demographics have implications for public space use and health. An increase in population and residential density will inevitably create a demand for local and appropriate open space for play and recreation, with public space becoming more 6

7 contested. Frameworks for ageing and place identify a need for planning and design to promote active ageing, especially walkability, due to health benefits, independence and social interaction and engagement in civic life, as well as reduced health costs, economic benefits and unlocking older residents as community resources for the community (Local Government Association of NSW. 2004). 3. Urban Climate, Planning and Design Urban climate is a significant influence within the ecological framework for health. On a large metropolitan city scale, how do built environment decisions and practise influence urban climates and what are the health implications? On a local micro-scale, how do public space characteristics influence climate and, in turn, affect the health benefits of public space? The climate of cities is markedly warmer than surrounding rural areas due to the urban heat island effect (UHI), arising from meteorological factors together with the structure and processes of the city, such as building materials and density, width of streets and mechanical heat generation. As temperature elevations are highest during the night, the UHI is essentially a nocturnal phenomenon (Givoni. 1998). In cold and moderate climates the UHI results in an increase in comfortable conditions. However, in warmer climates this heat load is in addition to daily temperatures and heat waves and increases air pollution (Hough. 1995) producing more uncomfortable conditions. The UHI may cause adverse human health effects and exacerbate heat-related morbidity through 7

8 exposure to extreme thermal conditions and increases in heatwave intensity (Jendritzky et al. 2003). Pertinent to planning and urban design, the UHI comprises two scales: the urban dome, a large scale upper boundary layer over the city space and the urban canopy, a microscale space bounded by urban buildings up to their rooves, including public spaces. The urban dome relates to the overall energy balance of an urban area and is more homogenous, whilst the local climatic conditions within the urban canopy are determined by the nature of the immediate surroundings and have more direct affects on human comfort. The climatic conditions, or microclimate, of a particular public space can be quite different from other, even nearby, spaces and from the conditions prevailing above in the urban dome. Planning and urban design can modify urban climates on both large and micro-scales, from new cities down to neighbourhoods and public spaces, with regard to location, size, density, land coverage, building heights and materials, orientation and width of streets, building design details providing outdoor comfort and shelter, and planting. However, integration and prioritisation of urban climate research findings and human comfort in design fields, as in bioclimatic urban design, is limited due to poor interdisciplinary connections between urban climatology and planning and design professions (Ali- Toudert et al. 2008). 8

9 Difficulties in understanding how urban climate relates to planning and human health also lie in the specific methods for describing climate, weather and heatwaves from a health point of view. There is no generally accepted definition of a heatwave, the term UHI is not based on the complex thermal conditions affecting human beings, and there are a range of different and non-comparable thermal assessment procedures currently in use. Climatic modeling does, however, offer an appropriate method for creating and safeguarding healthy conditions in planning processes through its ability to assess altered planning situations (Jendritzky et al. 2003). An assessment of the Melbourne 2030 Plan by urban climatologists illustrates the way planning policies can potentially modify urban climates. Recommendations for Direction 7: A Greener City comprise an initiative to Reduce the impact of negative urban climate impacts through measures for urban heat island mitigation, including maintaining sufficient open space and increased vegetation cover, restricting street canyon height to width ratios, improving energy efficiency, and reducing car-based travel. Whilst these policy recommendations are broad and already well known as methods for reducing UHI intensity, not all may be well known or understood by urban planners. Precise policy development requires discussions between planners and urban climatologists, including informed debates regarding potential increases in the overall volume of a city s consolidated thermal mass resulting from urban consolidation (Coutts et al. 2006). 9

10 Generally, however, Hough s 1995 observation remains current: the city is turning its back on an outdoor environment that is becoming increasingly unliveable. The mechanical climate control of buildings, together with urban heat islanding and associated increases in air pollution, have had profound effects on lifestyles and perceptions, with urban life becoming a series of air-conditioned experiences and unhealthy outdoor climates generating greater reliance on safe, controlled interior ones (Hough. 1995). Greater focus by planning and design fields on ameliorating outdoor climatic conditions is, therefore, necessary to ensuring that the health benefits of outdoor public spaces continue and are sustainable. 3.1 Green Areas, Urban Climate and Microclimate The effect of green areas (public and private) on urban climates depends on the ratio of green areas relative to the total built-up area and can differ with respect to air temperature, solar exposure and wind speed, depending on the choice of plants and details of the landscaping. In hot-dry regions the effect of evaporation from green areas on urban climate within and near the green areas can be significant, and the effect on human comfort desirable. However, the effect of city parks and open spaces on urban climate is limited to the urban canopy, or microclimate, of the spaces themselves, extending only a short distance into the surrounding, densely built, urban area. 10

11 Despite large scale limitations, the influence of green areas on microclimates and human comfort and health are important due to their capacity to minimise solar radiation and albedo effects, provide shade, reduce noise in adjacent areas, and improve air pollution through filtering and providing ventilation and vertical air mixing, Effects are dependent upon site contexts and the density, canopy, type and location of planting (Givoni. 1998). 3.2 Urban Climate and Public Space Use The influence of climate and weather on people s everyday comfort and physical activity in outdoor environments is subject to limited research. Only a few studies have been undertaken to understand how the thermal environment affects people s use of outdoor spaces due to the complexity of the outdoor environment. Studies include: Urban Climate Spaces carried out in Sweden, investigating physical parameters and people s cognition, emotions, and the actions connected to them (Lindberg. 2005; Westerberg et al. 2003); Rediscovering the Urban Realm and Open Spaces (RUROS) conducted in the UK and Greece, examining the effect of climate on the use of open spaces in urban environments and how the quality of open spaces either contributes to the quality of urban life or enhances isolation and social exclusion (Nikolopoulou. 2005); research exploring the impact of culture (Sweden versus Japan) and environmental attitude (urban versus rural) on thermal, emotional and perceptual evaluations of different urban outdoor places (Thorsson et al. 2006); and research in Portugal analysing the relationship between climatic conditions and perceptions of bioclimatic comfort (Oliveira et al. 2007). 11

12 Research findings highlight the complexities of outdoor environments and their affects on public space use. A number of meteorological parameters affect humans and their perception of outdoor weather, with wind being the most intensely perceived variable, usually negatively. Responses to microclimates are sometimes unconscious, often resulting in a different use of open space in different climatic conditions. People living in different cultures with different environmental attitudes psychologically evaluate a place differently despite similar thermal conditions. Thermal, emotional and perceptual assessments of a physical place may be intertwined with psychological (individual) and socio-cultural processes, rather than fixed by general thermal indices developed in line with physiological heat balance models. Thermal comfort can be maintained at temperatures well above the standard values defined for indoor conditions. Despite the complexities of outdoor environments, understanding and evaluating the effects of climate on the use of outdoor spaces in urban environments reinforces the richness of microclimatic characteristics which make public spaces more or less attractive and comfortable for people. It also assists urban accommodation and is important to developing informed urban design tools. Of note, existing studies are limited to the northern hemisphere and exploration of broad climatic influences. Research specifically exploring the impact of increasing temperatures and extreme heat on people s use of outdoor environments and in the context of Australian temperate cities is yet to be undertaken. 12

13 4. Heat Impacts on Health Direct and indirect heat impacts on health and heat-health warnings have implications for physical activity levels and outdoor public space use. Direct heat impacts range from heat rash, dehydration and heat cramps through to heat stress, heat exhaustion and heat stroke, the last being a medical emergency. Indirect effects include negative impacts on depression and behaviour, possibly related to increased anxiety and reduced social connection, physical activity, independence (Kjellstrom et al. 2009) and connections with nature. Health warnings for extreme heat and associated high levels of air pollution and pollen recommend at-risk groups stay indoors or restrict outdoor activity to early morning. Those most vulnerable to heat-health impacts are people with respiratory and cardiovascular diseases, obesity, diabetes, and young and older people as they have reduced capacity to regulate their thermal systems and adapt to heat stress and extreme heat events. In the event of heatwaves, common features of the elderly, such as impaired mobility, visual impairment, varying levels of cognitive decline and waning social connectedness and support, all reduce the capacity of the elderly to adequately protect themselves from the effects of extreme heat (Western Australia Department of Health. 2008). Groups most vulnerable to heat impacts and extreme heat events, therefore, align with those non-communicable diseases and ageing demographics already a focus of healthy planning, further reinforcing the need to prioritise urban climate considerations in planning and design. 13

14 The thermal environment also impacts on the morbidity and well-being of healthy people. However, studies investigating the climate sensitivity of human health are mainly concerned with mortality data, thus reflecting only extremes. According to Vanecka et al (2006), research on the impact of meteorological conditions on heat-related morbidity in Australia is limited. A study exploring the association between weather and acute nonfatal health effects on the population of the Sydney metropolitan area found that the effect of heat and light diseases correlated with high temperature and humidity; less humid, but hotter days were also found to be important, but to a lesser extent; persons aged 65 years and over with respiratory diseases were especially vulnerable to hot and dry conditions. Questions remain regarding the influence of heat and changing environments on people s everyday physically activity and use of public space, particularly vulnerable groups, and whether people plan, modify and adapt daily activities and lifestyle choices in response to heat. 5. Climate Change Adaptation Planning Anticipated climate change scenarios for Australian cities include marked increases in temperature and extreme heat events, with significant increases in heat-related deaths amplified by ageing demographics (IPCC. 2007). People most vulnerable are children, elderly people, Indigenous and low-income communities and people with pre-existing diseases and disabilities (Kjellstrom et al. 2009). The prediction of health impact pathways associated with climate change is a challenge due to highly complex relationships between humans and their environment: links between a climate variable and a health impact can be direct, such as exacerbation of a respiratory condition during 14

15 an extreme heat event, or indirect, requiring careful consideration of the chain of events leading from climate variable to health impact. Climate change adaptation strategies developed by Australian governments identify heathealth impacts as a significant issue, specifying planning and design measures to minimise impacts and manage associated risk. Aligned with reducing the UHI, measures include increasing requirements for green areas in developments and urban planning, ensuring the retention of existing trees and planting more trees, and reducing hard surfaces in urban areas. To improve air quality, measures include increasing shade and ventilation, controlling dust through revegetation, and reducing vehicle use (Western Australia Department of Health. 2008). To ensure environmental and social benefits provided by public green areas, measures specify using indigenous plants to minimise water use, increasing mowing heights of lawn to decrease lawn water use and stress, increasing mulch application and dedicating additional resources for maintenance. Local government adaptation strategies focus on built and natural infrastructure, including water quality and quantity, recreation facilities, road construction materials, stormwater management systems, and habitat and biodiversity, with mention of associated impacts on the quality of life of local residents (Australian Greenhouse Office. 2007). Climate change adaptation planning recognises that vulnerability and adaptive capacity of human populations and natural systems influence the severity of possible heat-health impacts and differ substantially across regions and across populations within regions (Capon et al. 2009). Assessments of the coping capacity of individual regions and 15

16 communities are required to inform planning and design priorities, with equity, collaboration and improving health to maximise resilience as foundations. The adaptive capacity and vulnerability of people living in Fairfield City in Western Sydney is discussed as a case in point. 6. Western Sydney and Climate Change Adaptation Capacity Fairfield City is located approximately 32 kilometres south-west of Metropolitan Sydney, covers 104 square kilometres, and has 190,657 residents. Physical and socio-cultural characteristics pertaining to Fairfield City s ecological framework for health are outlined to follow: Fairfield City is one of the most culturally diverse cities in Australia with more than half of all residents having been born overseas, mostly in non-english speaking countries. It has a comparatively young population with many young families; however, the greatest expected growth is in the number of older residents aged 65 years and over. It has higher than state average rates of non-communicable diseases and unemployment, with comparative low rates of adequate physical activity, high rates of obesity and overweight in people over 55 years, and high rates of psychological stress (New South Wales Population Health Survey. 2008). According to the Index of Relative Socio-Economic Disadvantage (SEIFA), Fairfield City is the most disadvantaged Local Government Area in the Sydney statistical division (Fairfield City Community Profile. 2006). The emerging failure of the housing market, marked by more aspirational and affluent households 16

17 moving out of the area, is perpetuating disadvantage and leaving a residual and aging population (Randolph. 2006). With regard to physical characteristics, town centres, minor shopping precincts, plazas and streetscapes are generally accessible, but are often perceived as unsafe and provide limited solar protection. Air quality is heavily impacted upon by the lack of an integrated public transport system, creating an over reliance upon private vehicles for moving people and freight. Extensive networks of cycleways offer quality recreation and off-road commuter opportunities; however, networks are generally poorly connected to shops, services and schools. Scant remnants of original bushland remain and the amount of green space varies across suburbs, with low provision in some suburbs and limited access to nature. Analysis of Bureau of Meteorology data by Greening Australia (2007) indicates that people living in Western Sydney are experiencing a more rapid increase in extreme temperatures and weather events, aligned with an apparent greater UHI effect, compared to other Sydneysiders who have the moderating influence of the ocean. Fairfield City s concentration of disadvantage is the result of a complex mix of social, spatial, economic and political forces, also evident in other areas of Sydney South West, presenting as some of the poorest communities in the state (Larsen. 2007). Scott (2008) describes Sydney as a tale of two cities that starts in the deprived western suburbs and ends on the storied north shore, reflecting the polarised nature often associated with global cities. 17

18 Assessment of Fairfield City s physical and socio-cultural profile suggests that the community s capacity to adapt and resilience to climate change are lower than for residents in Metropolitan Sydney and other parts of Western Sydney due to higher rates of disadvantage and non-communicable disease. Climate change adaptation planning should, therefore, give high priority to reducing the UHI across Metropolitan and Western Sydney on the large scale ( urban dome ) together with reducing heat-health impacts in Fairfield City on the local micro-scale ( urban canopy ). 7. Conclusion There is limited research exploring the use of public space and climate in general, and the influence of heat, specifically. Research that has been undertaken shows that relations are culturally specific and vary from location to location and for individuals. Existing heathealth research focuses on climate extremes and mortality, while morbidity and wellbeing pose research gaps. Poor interdisciplinary communication inhibits urban climate being understood and prioritised in planning and design practice. With regard to public space and associated benefits of physical activity, social interaction and connection with nature, knowledge is restricted to the direct effects of heat and extreme heat events on health and urban ecology, while the complexities of indirect pathways remain difficult challenges; the effect of heat on people s everyday activities, particularly in regard to the growing incidence of non-communicable disease and ageing demographics, is yet to be explored. Healthy planning strategies do focus on creating environments supportive of active, healthy lifestyles and community interaction; yet 18

19 marginal consideration is given to the influences of climatic conditions and heat specifically. Anticipated climate change scenarios for Australia indicate that heat-health impacts are significant. Climate change adaptation planning identifies measures by which planning and design can modify urban climates on large and micro-scales, including the use of green spaces, thereby reducing heat-health impacts. Adaptive capacity varies across regions and populations, reinforcing the need for planning and design to assess, develop and prioritise adaptation strategies and tools aligned with vulnerabilities and resources. Public space is key to maximising well-being, health and adaptive capacity of urban populations living in temperate cities, such as in Australia. 19

20 References Ali-Toudert, F. and Mayer, H. (2008). Effects of Street Design on Outdoor Thermal Comfort, Available: [2008, 10 August] Australian Greenhouse Office, (2007). Australian Government Department of the Environment and Water Resources. Climate Change Adaptation Action for Local Government. Report by SMEC Australia to the Australian Greenhouse Office. Available: [2008, 7 April] Barton, H and Tsourou, C. (2000). Healthy Urban Planning: A WHO Guide to Planning for People, London, Spon Press on behalf of the World Health Organisation Regional Office for Europe Capon, A., Synnott, E. and Holliday, S. (2009). Urbanism, Climate Change and Health: Systems Approaches to Governance, NSW Public Health Bulletin 2009; Vol.20 (1-2):24-28 Capon, A. and Blakely, E. (2007). Checklist for Healthy and Sustainable Communities, NSW Public Health Bulletin 2007; Vol.18(3-4):51-54 Coutts, A.M., Beringer, J. and Tapper, N.J. (2006). Impact of urban Planning Strategies 20

21 on Regional Climate: a Case Study of Melbourne Sixth International Conference on Urban Climate. Goteborg, Sweden. Available: [2007, 3 June] Fairfield City Community Profile, (2006). SEIFA Index of Disadvantage, profile.id. Available: Foos, N. and Maddern, C. (2002). Planning for Health Benchmark Survey: an Evaluation of Planner Awareness of Health Issues Final Report. Available: [2004, 14 December] Givoni, B. (1998). Climate Considerations in Building and Urban Design, Van Nostrand Reinhold, United States of America Greening Australia, (2007). Climate Change Hots Western Sydney Hard. Available: [10 June 2008] Hough, M. (1995). Cities and Natural Process, Routledge, London, UK IPCC, (2007). Working Group II Report Impacts, Adaptation and Vulnerability, Contribution to the Fourth Assessment report of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change. IPCC. Geneva, Switzerland. Available: [2007, 3 Dec] Jendritzky, G., Gratz, A., Koppe, C and Laschewski, G. (2003). How to Deal with the 21

22 Urban Development, Urban Climate, Human Health Effect Relationship A Contributuion to Methodology. Fifth International Conference on Urban Climate. Lodz, Poland. Available: [2007, 2 June] Kearns, A., Beaty, M. and Barnett, G. (2007). A Social-Ecological Perspective on health in Urban Environments, NSW Public Health Bulletin 2007; Vol.18(3-4):48-50 Kjellstrom, T. and Weaver, H.J. (2009). Climate change and health: impacts, vulnerability, adaptation and mitigation, NSW Public Health Bulletin 2009; Vol. 20(1-2):5-9 Larsen, K. (2007). The health impacts of place-based interventions in areas of concentrated disadvantaged: a review of the literature, Sydney South West Area Health Service. Available: [2008, 25 January] Lindberg, F. No date. Microclimate and Behaviour Studies in an Urban Space: Methodology Considerations in a Multidisciplinary Project [online]. Goteborg University. Available: [2005, 20 September] Local Government Association of NSW, (2004). Planning the Local Government Response to Ageing and Place, prepared by Baum, N and Jackson, N. for the Local Government Association of NSW and Shires Association of NSW 22

23 McMichael, T. (2001). Human Frontiers, Environments and Disease, Cambridge University Press, UK Mead, E., Dodson, J. and Ellway, C. (2006). Urban Environments and Health: identifying Key Relationships and Policy Imperatives. Available: URBENVTS+HLTH_MEAD.pdf [2007, 14 June] New South Wales Population Health Survey, (2008) Report on Adult Health, Fairfield Division of General Practice, NSW Health. Available: [2009, 10 November] Newell, B., Proust, K., Dyball, R. and McManus, P. (2007). Seeing Obesity as a Systems Problem, NSW Public Health Bulletin 2009; Vol. 18(11-12): Nikolopoulou, M., Lykoudis, S. and Kikira, M. No date. Thermal Comfort in Outdoor Spaces: Field Studies in Greece [online]. Centre for Renewable Energy Sources. Available: [2005, 30 August] Oliveira, S. and Andrade, H. (2007). An Initial Assessment of the Bioclimatic Comfort in an Outdoor Public Space in Lisbon, International Journal of Biometeorology 2007; Vol. 52:69-84 Planning Institute of Australia, (2009). Healthy Spaces and Places: a National Guide to Designing Places for Healthy Living. Collaboration between the Australian Local Government Association, National Heart Foundation of Australia and Planning Institute of Australia in. Available: 23

24 [2009, 10 November] Randolph, B. (2006). Urban Renewal: A New Role for New Housing Providers in Creating Sustainable Communities. Available: f [2007, 3 June] Scott, B. (2008). Suburban Scars: Australian cities and socio-economic deprivation, Urban Research Program, Griffith University, Brisbane, Queensland. Available: 5_SuburbanScars_BAUM_Body.pdf [2008, 28 February] Thorsson, S. and Knez, I. (2006). Influences of Culture and Environmental Attitude on Thermal, Emotional and Perceptual Evaluations of Outdoor Places. Sixth International Conference on Urban Climate. Goteborg, Sweden. Available: [2007, 3 June] Vaneckova, P., Hart, M., De Dear, R., McCracken, K. and Beggs, P. (2006). Analysis of Heat-Related Morbidity in Sydney, Australia: the Synoptic Climatology of Hospital Admissions Between 1993 and Sixth International Conference on Urban Climate. Goteborg, Sweden. Available: [2007, 3 June] Victorian Government Department of Human Services, (2009). January 2009 Heatwave in Victoria: an Assessment of Health Impacts. Melbourne, Victoria. Available: 24

25 [2010, 16 January] Westerberg, U., Knez, I. And Eliasson, I. (2003). Urban Climate Spaces: a Multidisciplinary Research Project, University of Gavle. Available: [2005, 30 August] Western Australia Department of Health, (2008). Health Impacts of Climate change Adaptation Strategies for Western Australia. Lead authors: Spickett, J., Brown H., Katscherian, D. Perth: Department of Health. Available: mate_change.pdf [2008, 14 May] 25

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