THE SOCIAL LANDSCAPE OF DEPOPULATION: THE NORTHERN SAN JUAN, A.D Donna M. Glowacki

Transcription

1 THE SOCIAL LANDSCAPE OF DEPOPULATION: THE NORTHERN SAN JUAN, A.D by Donna M. Glowacki A Dissertation Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy ARIZONA STATE UNIVERSITY May 2006

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3 ABSTRACT Population decline and relocation are often associated with periods of societal turmoil and reorganization, but they do not always lead to the complete depopulation of a region. What circumstances cause entire societies to leave an area, particularly when innumerable social and socio-natural interactions contributed to creating the conditions prompting large-scale widespread emigration? My research uses the example of the Northern San Juan region also known as the Mesa Verde region of the U.S. Southwest to better understand a specific social landscape known to have fostered a complete regional depopulation involving the emigration of thousands of ancestral Puebloan people in the late 13 th century. I use five subregions Totah, Mesa Verde Proper, McElmo-Monument, West Mesa Verde, and Lower San Juan as analytical units to explore intraregional variation in demography, the distribution of community centers and public architecture, and patterns of intraregional pottery circulation. I compiled two regional databases for this analysis: a Northern San Juan Pueblo III Period habitation site database with more than 3,720 sites to examine site distributions and occupation histories; and a Pueblo III Period INAA database with over 1,000 samples to assess pottery production and circulation. My results suggest there were three phases of development and change leading up to regional depopulation: the Post-Chacoan Transition (A.D ), Eastern Expansion (A.D ), and Mesa Verde Florescence (A.D ). It is in the context of the historical perspective obtained from conceptualizing the social landscape in this framework that we can understand how intraregional population movement contributed to creating an environment conducive to social change. Specifically, the influx of migrants from the western portion of the region into the eastern subregions coupled with on-going aggregation into community centers resulted in ritual transformation and the intensification of ceremonialism. Noticeable emigration from the eastern Northern San Juan began by A.D. 1260, which precedes the extreme drought iii

4 conditions and intense violence in the 1270s and 1280s. Consequently, it appears that the stimulus underlying widespread emigration was, in part, associated with the disruption of eastern ceremonial practices and social networks. iv

5 To family, friends, and La Plata sunrises v

6 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Although it certainly feels like it, no one writes a dissertation by themselves. I have been incredibly fortunate to have had the support and assistance of many wonderful colleagues, friends, and family on this crazy ride. First, a special thank you to my committee: Keith Kintigh, Kate Spielmann, Michelle Hegmon, and George Cowgill. They allowed me to take on a challenging and ambitious project and were willing to put in the energy and time required to follow through and help me do the end product justice. As an advisor, Keith Kintigh has been a wonderful mentor providing solid advice, instructive criticism, and a McGyver-esque approach to solving problems when needed. He has always treated me as a colleague and endeavored to provide the best assistance possible, both of which, I appreciate greatly. My dissertation would not be possible if it were not for the tremendous amount previous regional-scale research. I d especially like to thank Carla Van West, Mark Varien, Tim Kohler, Bill Lipe, Steve Lekson, Larry Nordby, Gary Brown, and Winston Hurst, my interpretations benefited greatly both from their research and a number of conversations along the way. Pottery samples for the INAA analysis were obtained with the help of numerous colleagues. I am grateful for all of their assistance. Bill Lipe, R.G. Matson, Mary Collins, and Garth Portillo assisted in getting permission to access Cedar Mesa collections and generously selected and mailed samples. Dale Davidson provided permission to collect clays in Utah on BLM land. C. Dean Wilson selected pottery samples from La Plata sites at Barker Arroyo and Jackson Lake and clay samples he had collected. Access to these collections was also facilitated by the efforts of Eric Blinman, Wolkie Toll, as well as Chris Turnbow, Tony Thibodieu and Julia Clifton of the Museum of Indian Arts and Culture. I obtained samples from Aztec Ruin National Monument with the assistance of Gary Brown, Terry Nichols, and Frank Hayde. Larry Nordby, Carolyn Landes, Kathy Fiero, and Ted Oppelt helped me obtain samples from Step House. Robin Lyle and Chelsea Dunk helped pull samples from the Crow Canyon collections. Fumi Arakawa assisted with clay collection and was a great lab buddy while we both worked on our projects. I vi

7 would also like to thank Jim Judge and Jim Kendrick for allowing me to use their INAA data from the Lowry community. Michael Glascock and Jeff Speakman analyzed the samples at MURR and provided the raw INAA data. Compilation of the PIII site database was only possible with the help of electronic site data obtained from Tim Seaman and Karyn de Dufour at ARMS, Cynthia Williams and Larry Nordby at Mesa Verde National Park, Kristin Jensen and Kevin Jones at the Utah SHPO, Mary Sullivan at the Colorado SHPO, Tim Kohler, Mark Varien, and Scott Ortman provided data from the Village project (SES ), Jim Allison provided data from his survey work in Utah, and Jim Potter and Warren Hurley provided A-LP site data. This project benefited greatly from the financial support from a number of generous institutions. Data collection and analysis was funded by an NSF Dissertation Improvement Grant (BCS ), an ASU Department of Anthropology Research Grant, MURR NSF Grant (SBR ), Pots and People Colorado Historical Society Grant , and a Dean s Circle Scholarship. I am particularly grateful for the funding I have had while writing and finishing analysis: the Robert H. Lister Fellowship, the Joe Ben Wheat Scholarship, and a Dean s Writing Fellowship. The final product has benefited greatly from having the luxury of funded writing time. It s a jungle out there in the University bureaucracy and Marsha, Mena, and Marilynn have done their best to keep me on the straight and narrow. Wesley Bernardini, Jenn Brady, Oralia Cabrera, Matt Chamberlin, Tiffany Clark, Andrew Duff, Michelle Elliott, Chris Garraty, Anne Goldberg, Billy Graves, Brett Hill, Deb Huntley, Vickie Ives, Stephanie Kulow, Andrea Moreno-Martin, Mike Ohnersorgen, Scott Ortman, Ian Robertson, Julien Riel-Salvatore, Greg Schachner, Steven Schmich, Karen Gust-Schollmeyer, Thanet Skoglund, Julie Solometo, Paula Turkon, and the youngins all made my time at ASU enjoyable and I learned much about archaeology and life along the way. I m especially grateful for frosty mugs, coffee at Charlie s, and Machaca Tuesday. vii

8 I have been fortunate enough to return to work at Mesa Verde National Park while I have been finishing my dissertation. Kay Barnett and the Spruce Tree House Crew (Andy, Kara, Dani, Aron, and Paula) supplied much encouragement and laughter. I have also appreciated the support and friendship of a number of the Mesa Verde staff, especially Joel Brisbin, Julie Bell, Carolyn Landes, Linda Martin, Larry Nordby, Gaye Ives, Robert Jensen, and the Stabilization guys. I have been incredibly privileged to have been involved with Crow Canyon Archaeological Center since I cannot thank the CCAC Staff and my friends enough for their encouragement, support, interest, and insight. Thanks Margie, Susan, Jamie, Jonathan, Scott, Karen, Robin, Baxter, Paul, Lew, Becky, Sean, Mary, Louise, Elaine, Kari, Herb, Beth, Laurie, Florence, Ruth, and so many more. Mark Varien has been a mentor and friend. I appreciate his efforts to support my research very much. The only reason I am alive today is because of Jim Martin and the Kitchen Staff at Crow Canyon. I owe them a great debt. I have been fortunate to spend this past year of writing at CCAC. You couldn t ask for a better place to make the final push. A special shout out to the CCAC lab rats who took the brunt of my frequent periods of writer s block, which seemed to hit from 3-5 pm daily. I am also grateful for the support and interest of a number of Crow Canyon participants, and need to single out the Crazy Ladies of the Talus Slope for a special thank you. I also want to thank Richard Wilshusen for his wonderful pep talk, Margie and Fred for much needed Mancos getaways, Parks for her wry humor and a fabulous lunch at Galliano s in Montreal, and my MUMB buds for their friendship and helping me to remember life beyond academics, especially the San Francisco weekend and Spring Break. And finally, my family, whose love and support have made this possible. I especially thank my parents who have always, unwaveringly done everything within their power to help me make my life the best it could possibly be. viii

9 TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF TABLES... xii LIST OF FIGURES... xiii CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION...1 The Northern San Juan: The Ideal Case Study...3 Defining the Social Contexts of Depopulation...4 My Approach to Delineating the Social Contexts of the Northern San Juan...5 Presentation Sequence...9 CHAPTER II THE NORTHERN SAN JUAN AND THE PUEBLO III PERIOD...12 The Northern San Juan Region...12 Geographic Referents of the Northern San Juan Region...14 Subregions of the Northern San Juan...16 The Natural Environment...18 Pueblo III Period Climatic Conditions...22 The Social Landscape from A.D Regional Population Trends...25 Regional and Subregional Settlement Trends...26 Social and Ritual Change during the 1200s...29 Toward Understanding the Social Landscape and Intraregional Interaction...31 CHAPTER III DEFINING THE SOCIAL LANDSCAPE...34 The Northern San Juan Pueblo III Period Habitation Site Database...34 Estimating Intraregional Demography, A.D Comparing Regional Site Distribution and Site Density by Subregion...37 Subregional Occupation Histories...39 Totah Subregion...44 Mesa Verde Proper Subregion...45 McElmo-Monument Subregion...46 West Mesa Verde Subregion...46 Lower San Juan Subregion...47 Summarizing Subregional Occupation Histories...47 Subregional Comparison of Pueblo III Community Centers...49 Density and Average Size...49 Totah Subregion...53 Mesa Verde Proper Subregion...54 McElmo-Monument Subregion...54 West Mesa Verde Subregion...56 Lower San Juan Subregion...56 Summarizing Community Center Trends...57 Subregional Distribution of Public Architecture...58 Communal Architecture from A.D Great Kivas...59 Page ix

10 Plazas...61 Exclusionary and Restrictive Architecture from A.D Multi-walled Structures...63 Towers...66 Enclosing Walls...67 Summarizing the Distribution of Public Architecture...69 Settlement History of the Social Landscape...70 CHAPTERIV DEFINING INTRAREGIONAL PRODUCTION ZONES: INAA METHODS AND RESULTS...75 Using INAA for Compositional Analysis...75 Northern San Juan Region Pueblo III Period INAA Database...77 Pottery Samples...78 Clay Samples...80 Scale of Interpretation...82 Methods for analyzing the INAA Data...83 Transformation...84 Standardization...85 Missing Data...85 Exploratory Statistical Analyses...86 Measuring Group Coherence and Membership...88 Unassigned Cases...93 Comparing Defensible Compositional Groups...94 Summary of Methods...95 Results: Northern San Juan Compositional Groups...95 Description of Compositional Groups by Subregion...96 Summary of Evidence Regarding Intraregional Production CHAPTER V PATTERNS OF INTRAREGIONAL INTERACTION Delineating Intraregional Interaction Networks Mesa Verde Corrugated Jars Mesa Verde Black-on-white Bowls Local and Extralocal Pottery Consumption Imported Pottery and Patterns of Intraregional Interaction Totah Mesa Verde Proper McElmo-Monument Lower San Juan Determining Quantity and Trends in Exported Mesa Verde Black-on-white Bowls Intraregional Interaction in the Northern San Juan Pottery Circulation in the Western Subregions Pottery Circulation in the Eastern Subregions x

11 CHAPTER VI THE SOCIAL LANDSCAPE OF DEPOPULATION The Historical Developments Leading to Regional Depopulation The Post-Chacoan Transition, A.D Eastern Expansion, A.D Mesa Verde Florescence, A.D The End of Florescence Explaining Social Breakdown The Depopulation of the Northern San Juan REFERENCES CITED APPENDIX A: COMMUNITY CENTER RAW DATA APPENDIX B: INSTRUMENTAL NEUTRON ACTIVATION DATA xi

12 LIST OF TABLES Table Page 2.1 Generalized geological column for the Northern San Juan Density of sites with a Pueblo III period component in each subregion Momentary Room Counts by Subregion, A.D Density of Community Centers per km Average size of community centers through time Number of community centers with public architecture by subregion Number of pottery samples and sites by subregion Northern San Juan regional INAA clay samples INAA Compositional Groups of the Northern San Juan Counts and percents of local versus extralocal pottery Counts and percent of imported pottery by subregion and ware Estimated total population of pottery exported from each subregion Summary table characterizing the subregions xii

13 LIST OF FIGURES Figure Page 1.1 The U.S. Southwest with key locations highlighted The Northern San Juan Region with subregions Schematic of the Northern San Juan region GIS map of the Northern San Juan GIS map of the Northern San Juan with subregions Examples of site layouts of large sites in the Northern San Juan Distribution of sites in the Northern San Juan region with a Pueblo III period component Northern San Juan regional population trends from community centers Subregional population profiles Distribution of community centers Number of community centers through time by subregion The average size of community centers Distribution of great kivas Distribution of plazas Examples of multi-walled structure layouts Distribution of multi-walled structures Distribution of towers Distribution of enclosing walls Distribution of sites sampled for INAA Bivariate plot of Mesa Verde Corrugated Jar compositional groups based on concentrations of rubidium (Rb) and antimony (Sb) Bivariate plot of Mesa Verde Black-on-white Bowl compositional groups based on concentrations of sodium (Na) and calcium (Ca) Percent local versus extralocal pottery by ware for each subregion xiii

14 Figure Page 5.2 Schematic map of intraregional Mesa Verde Black-on-white bowl circulation Schematic map of intraregional Mesa Verde Corrugated jar circulation Stacked bar graphs of percent of imported Mesa Verde Black-on-white bowls The major transitions in population levels Subregional population profiles with the phases indicated Sites in the Northern San Juan with evidence of violence Migration Map of the US Southwest xiv

15 CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION Regional depopulation, one of the most transformative cultural processes, results in the displacement of numerous people requiring them to reconstruct their lives in new locations and often among new social groups (see also Pauketat 2003). Although population decline and relocation are frrequently associated with periods of societal turmoil and reorganization (Tainter 1988: ), these periods do not always result in the complete depopulation of a region. For example, when Teotihuacan declined and its government collapsed in the 700s, an estimated 40,000 people remained in the area and reconstructed their society (Cowgill 1997: ). However, in cases such as the Classic Maya during the 800s in the western Petén of the Maya Lowland (Demarest 2004:259) and the Mississippian Vacant Quarter in the mid-1400s (Cobb and Butler 2002), large geographic areas were abandoned as political centers and residential locales, and reorganization occurred in new locations. Given these differing responses to periods of instability, what are the circumstances that lead people to decide it is better to leave their communities, institutions, and land, than it is to stay and locally readjust and reorganize their societies to accommodate their changing conditions? And, how can we understand these situations when innumerable social and socio-natural interactions contribute to creating the conditions that prompt widespread emigration from a region? Here, I demonstrate that one important avenue for improving our understanding of the circumstances leading to depopulation is by comprehensively investigating the social conditions prior to and during periods ending in large-scale emigration thereby providing the necessary context for determining how social and ecological conditions may have contributed to these periods of upheaval and transition. Although environmental circumstances are an important

16 2 component shaping societal dynamics, it is the social conditions that structure people s ability to cope with changing demands and they offer the ultimate means of understanding the processes behind regional depopulation (Drèze and Sen 1989:46-47; Oliver-Smith 1996:316). With this in mind, I use one of the most well-known and dramatic cases of regional depopulation, the Northern San Juan region of the U.S. Southwest (Figure 1.1) also known as the Mesa Verde region to better understand the social contexts from A.D leading to the complete depopulation of the region. Utah Colorado Northern San Juan Kayenta Gallina San Juan Basin Chaco Canyon Rio Grande Arizona New Mexico N 300 km Figure 1.1: The U.S. Southwest with key locations highlighted.

17 3 The Northern San Juan Region: An Ideal Case Study The regional depopulation of the Northern San Juan has captured the interest of archaeologists and lay people alike since the beginning of archaeology in the Southwest (e.g., Fewkes 1911:81; Holmes 1878; Nordenskiöld 1990[1893]:170). It involved the migration of many thousands of ancestral Puebloans late in the thirteenth century, and is particularly notable because everyone chose to leave the region even though it was still possible to live in the region after A.D Refining our knowledge of the Northern San Juan social setting during the 1200s is key for understanding both the regional depopulation and the subsequent cultural and organizational changes taking place across the Colorado Plateau by the 1300s (see also Bernardini 1998). Archaeological field work and documentation for over 125 years has produced a wealth of information on past environmental conditions and agricultural productivity (Ahlstrom et al.1995; Huckleberry and Billman 1998; Kohler et al. 2005b; Van West 1994; Van West and Dean 2000), on regional settlement history (Adler 1990; Adler and Johnson 1996; Hayes 1964; Hurst and Till 2002; Varien 1999; Varien et al. 1996, 2005), and on pottery production and distribution (Blinman and Wilson 1992; Errickson 1998; Glowacki 2005; Glowacki et al. 1998; Hegmon et al. 1995, 1997; Ortman 2000, 2002; Pierce et al. 2002; Robinson 2005; Wilson 1991; Wilson and Blinman 1995). In addition, tree-ring dating in this region affords extraordinarily precise chronological resolution allowing for the detailed examination of changes in settlement pattern, site occupation, and interaction over time. This extensive research history and the advantages of tree-ring dating provide a strong foundation from which to reconstruct social contexts from A.D in the Northern San Juan.

18 4 To date, Southwestern archaeologists have primarily studied this regional depopulation by focusing on the destinations of the migrating populations, the prevailing environmental and ecological conditions, and the evident violence within the region (e.g., Ahlstrom et al. 1995; Cameron 1995; Cordell 1995; Dean et al. 1985, 1994; LeBlanc 1999; Lipe 1995; Kuckelman et al. 2000; Roney 1995; Van West 1994). From this work, we now have a better understanding of the setting of these migrations, which has been enriched by Pueblo peoples accounts of their histories and perspectives on population movement and migration (e.g., Naranjo 1995). However, outside the knowledge that violence was clearly a component of social interaction during this time (Billman et al. 2000: ; Kramer 2002; Kuckelman 2002; Kuckelman et al. 2000; LeBlanc 1999; Martin 1997), we know relatively little about the social contexts and networks in place across the region during this period of great change (but see Neily 1983; Lipe 2002). Social relationships both cooperative and contentious are at the core of the process of large-scale emigration from the region at the end of the thirteenth century. Defining the Social Contexts of Depopulation The social landscape fostering regional depopulation of the Northern San Juan was the result of complex interactions among numerous social and ecological variables that operated over considerable time and on multiple spatial and social scales. Conesequently, an adequate understanding of regional depopulation requires detailed knowledge of both the ecological variables and the social contexts that conditioned the landscape. We know from previous research that environmental factors alone are insufficient to explain the depopulation of the Northern San Juan. For example, Van West s (1994) analysis of key environmental variables has shown that from a subsistence standpoint, agricultural productivity within the region could have supported a

19 5 substantial population despite the serious drought at the end of the 1200s. My contribution to the explanation of the depopulation is to understand the role played by the history and social contexts of the Northern San Juan, thereby complementing the work of Van West and others on environmental factors (e.g., Ahlstrom et al. 1995; Huckleberry and Billman 1998; Kohler et al. 2005b; Van West and Dean 2000). By focusing on the social contexts, the inherent mutability of the social landscape and the intraregional variation conditioning local circumstances become more apparent. From this perspective, I argue: 1) The McElmo-Monument subregion became central to intraregional organization as population levels and aggregation increased beginning about A.D. 1220, 2) There were important social differences between the eastern and western portions of the Northern San Juan underlying variation in the circumstances precipitating emigration, and 3) The regional depopulation was initially prompted by the disruption of intraregional social networks and ceremonialism that had intensified in the eastern portion of the region. Although it has long been recognized that social factors played a role in the depopulation of the region (Van West and Dean 2000:38-39; Varien 1999:216; Varien et al. 1996: , 2000), my study provides the first clear evidence for a social disruption prompting emigration at least a decade or more before the drought of the 1270s. My Approach to Delineating the Social Contexts of the Northern San Juan The Northern San Juan region has been conventionally defined as the geographic area associated with the northern drainages of the San Juan River, and is culturally-definable based on the distribution of similar architecture and Mesa Verde style pottery (e.g., Lipe 1995: ;

20 6 Rohn 1989: ; Varien 2000:6). Explanations of the depopulation of this area have typically applied circumstances that were only present in a portion of the region to the region as a whole (e.g., Lipe 1995; Varien et al. 1996). However, when large-scale emigration is examined at such an inclusive scale, important variation is overlooked. I address this limitation of our current explanations by using a smaller geographic scale to investigate the spatial and social components within the Northern San Juan region to define the social landscape from A.D I use five subregions as analytical units to explore intraregional variation in demography, the distribution and occupation histories of large sites, the distribution of public architecture, and patterns of intraregional pottery circulation. The eastern subregions are the Totah, Mesa Verde Proper (MVP), and McElmo-Monument (MM); West Mesa Verde (WMV) and the Lower San Juan (LSJ) are the western subregions (Figures 1.2 and 1.3). A subregional approach to defining social contexts inherently highlights intraregional variation. From this vantage, it is easier to discern how broad social changes and cultural processes affected different portions of the region and structured interactions. My analyses are based on a regional database of over 3,700 habitation sites with a Pueblo III period component 227 of these are community centers (large pueblos with 50 or more structures) and instrumental neutron activation (INAA) data from over 1,000 pottery and clay samples. I consider site locations aggregated by subregion to evaluate when and where people were concentrated in different portions of the region and to assess the distribution of important architectural features. The pottery data are used to assess the connections among people across the region by identifying patterns of pottery circulation between subregions. The results from the settlement pattern and compositional analyses show that region-wide emigration was the outcome of several important social transformations. Specifically, there were

21 Colorado River Comb Ridge Abajo Mts West Mesa Verde San Juan Mountains N 50 km Lower San Juan San Juan River Chinle Wash Ute Mt McElmo- Monument Mesa Verde Proper Mesa Verde Mancos River La Plata River River Animas Aztec Totah Carrizo Mts Figure 1.2: The Northern San Juan Region with major physiographic features and subregions identified. Eastern Northern San Juan includes the Totah, Mesa Verde Proper, and McElmo-Monument subregions. West Mesa Verde and Lower San Juan subregions are in the western Northern San Juan. The subregions of central Mesa Verde are Mesa Verde Proper, McElmo-Monument, and West Mesa Verde. 7

22 Figure 1.3: Schematic of the Northern San Juan region indicating various intraregional configurations. three phases of development and change that led up to the depopulation of the region, these phases are: the Post-Chacoan Transition, Eastern Expansion, and Mesa Verde Florescence. The Post-Chacoan Transition from A.D is a period of severe drought and unprecedented violence that immediately follows the decline of the Chaco regional system. The large center at Aztec Ruin in the Totah, which had risen to prominence in the early 1100s, was in decline. By the end of the period, violence subsided, and population levels increased in West Mesa Verde and McElmo-Monument indicating a shift in regional population distribution. Eastern Expansion from A.D is a period of population growth and movement that ultimately resulted in the consolidation of regional population in the eastern subregions. A key dynamic during this period is the rapid increase in the number of community centers constructed in McElmo-Monument. Noticeable emigration from West Mesa Verde begins by A.D At least some emigrants from West Mesa Verde appear to have moved into the

23 9 McElmo-Monument and Mesa Verde Proper subregions, and contributed to increasing population levels and the intensification of ceremonialism in the eastern part of the region. Mesa Verde Florescence from A.D is the final period of ancestral Puebloan occupation in the region. Population levels continue to increase in McElmo-Monument until around A.D With increasing population and population aggregation into community centers, there appears to have been an attendant intensification of ceremonialism and interaction in McElmo-Monument, Mesa Verde Proper, and the Totah. By the mid-1200s, ritual components of ceremonialism among pueblos in the eastern subregions appear to have involved both an increase in communal activities and exclusionary ritual practices at community centers. This period of intensification created social, ritual, and political dynamics that appear to have interconnected dynamics in the eastern subregions. Noticeable emigration from the large sites across the eastern Northern San Juan begins about the same time in the 1260s. Based on this, it appears that at least some of the impetus for emigration was associated with some kind of disruption of eastern social networks and ceremonial practices. Therefore, the drought conditions and intense violence in the 1270s and 1280s that are often cited as the key contributors to precipitating the depopulation actually served to complete a process that had begun in the preceding decades. Presentation Sequence Chapter II begins with a review of information related to defining the Northern San Juan region and subregions, characterizing geological and environmental variability, and describing social conditions during the Pueblo III period (A.D ) to provide background for the more specific topics in subsequent chapters. By the Pueblo III period, although there were general

24 10 similarities throughout the region (e.g., settlements situated on canyon rims), there were striking differences not only in environmental settings, but also settlement organization. These differences created intraregional variation in the options available to ancestral Pueblo people living in different portions of the region. This variation is critical for understanding the process of depopulation because people experienced the Pueblo III period in different ways leading to variation in the impetus for emigration across the region. Chapter III describes subregional demography and the distribution of community centers and public architecture to better understand intraregional organization. Variation in the distribution of community centers and public architecture suggests intraregional differences in organization and ritual practices. The demographic data indicate that although the timing of peak population differed among the subregions, the timing of noticeable emigration from the large sites in the eastern subregions was synchronous. However, noticeable emigration from the western subregions appears to have started earlier than in the eastern subregions and likely involved immigration into the eastern subregions. These data show important social differences between eastern and western Northern San Juan and that population increase in McElmo-Monument and Mesa Verde Proper was associated with the intensification of ceremonialism. Given the intraregional differences in organization and ritual practices identified in the settlement data, the next step is to understand the relationships among people living in different portions of the region. Pueblo III period Northern San Juan pottery was chemically characterized using INAA to assess the extent of intraregional interaction among the subregions. Chapter IV describes the type, number, and proveniences of the pottery and clay samples and provides information about the methods used to analyze the INAA data. This chapter presents details about the 12 compositional groups identified during data analysis, which form the basis for delineating patterns of pottery circulation within the region.

25 11 Chapter V builds on the results presented in the previous chapter to evaluate the extent to which people were interconnected through pottery exchange across the Northern San Juan region. The chapter begins with a discussion that lays the groundwork for inferring the social contexts underlying the circulation of corrugated jars and black-on-white bowls. Patterns of pottery exchange among people living in different subregions show widespread circulation of Mesa Verde Black-on-white bowls and the localized production and consumption of corrugated jars. These findings suggest that Mesa Verde Black-on-white bowl exchange was an integral component of social dynamics from A.D Additionally, the circumscribed circulation networks of Mesa Verde Corrugated jars imply there were key differences between the eastern and western Northern San Juan. Chapter VI combines the results of the settlement pattern and INAA data analyses to provide a detailed description of the regional history and social contexts from A.D Demographic trends and organizational differences point to three phases of development and change that led to the depopulation of the Northern San Juan. These historical developments show the increasing importance of McElmo-Monument in structuring intraregional organization, the development of important differences between the eastern and western Northern San Juan, and the processes leading to the intensification of ceremonialism and interaction in the eastern subregions. The chapter concludes by discussing the evidence for a possible disruption of social interaction networks and ceremonialism prompting widespread emigration prior to the onset of the drought and intense episodes of violence in the 1270s and 1280s. Given this evidence, I posit that a possible source for this disruption may have been related to deep social rifts which may have arisen due to tensions associated with ritual change.

26 CHAPTER II 12 THE NORTHERN SAN JUAN AND THE PUEBLO III PERIOD (A.D ) As the center of a regional system, Chaco Canyon was a major ceremonial and political center during the 1000s that facilitated long-distance exchange across much of the U.S. Southwest (Figure 1.1; Cameron 2001; Judge 1989; Lekson 1991, 1999; Toll 1991, 2001). 1 When the influence of Chaco and its regional system declined in the early 1100s, its political and ideological core appears to have been relocated to Aztec in the Northern San Juan region (Judge 1989:247; Lekson 1999: , ; Lipe 2006). With this shift in the location of Chacoanbased power and authority, the Northern San Juan region became an important locus of social, ritual, and political development becoming one of the most densely occupied areas of the U.S. Southwest during the 1200s (see Duff 1998: Figures ). This chapter provides essential background for understanding the developments in the Northern San Juan subsequent to this important restructuring of the northern Puebloan world. The Northern San Juan Region The geographic extent of the Northern San Juan (see Figures 1.2 and 2.1) the northernmost portion of the U.S. Southwest includes the territory associated with the northern drainages of the San Juan River from its headwaters to its confluence with the Colorado River (Lipe 1995: ; Rohn 1989: ; Varien 2000:6). This river, for which the region is named, is a significant physiographic feature, which may have also served as an important boundary in the past (Adams and Adams 1959). For example, today, the San Juan River forms the northern boundary of Navajo Lands, and is one of the four sacred rivers of the Navajo people (McPherson 1995:15). The San Juan, Abajo, and Carrizo mountains further define the limits of

27 13 the region, and Ute Mountain is located near its center (see also Rohn 1989:149; Varien 2000:6). Archaeological regions adjacent to the Northern San Juan, characterized by different architectural styles and pottery types, include Kayenta to the southwest, the San Juan Basin to the south, and Gallina to the southeast (see Figure 1.1). Figure 2.1: GIS Map of the Northern San Juan region for orientation to the major physiographic features. From A.D , the geographic area of the Northern San Juan region appears to be roughly equivalent to the Mesa Verde cultural region, at least at a very basic level, for several reasons. First, the material culture of people living in this geographic area was similar, which nominally signifies a broad cultural affinity shared across the region. Second, the distribution of regional population, indicated by sites with Mesa Verde pottery types, nearly covered the maximum geographic extent of the region. Finally, people living in the Northern San Juan became increasingly isolated from the rest of the Southwest as long-distance exchange outside the region decreased substantially (Blinman and Wilson 1992:84; Duff 1998:44; Lipe 2006; Lipe and Varien 1999: ; Toll 1993; Wilson and Blinman 1995; Varien et al. 1996:99). This growing

28 14 separation from the rest of the Southwest, which was further augmented by declining population levels to the south (Hill et al. 2004: Figure 3), suggests a certain degree of insularity and an intensified focus on the social and political activities within the region. Geographic Referents of the Northern San Juan Region A great deal of the early exploration of the region focused on the cliff dwellings in Mesa Verde National Park and Ute Mountain Ute Tribal Park (see Lipe 1999). This early emphasis on the cliff dwellings, in addition to their architectural impressiveness and excellent preservation, has resulted in a Mesa Verde-centric view of the Northern San Juan (see also Lekson 1999; Toll 1993; Varien 2000:5-6). This perspective has not only caused confusion, as Mesa Verde can refer to a culture, a region, two pottery types, and a national park, but it has also diverted attention from other culturally important areas of the Northern San Juan region beyond the cliff dwellings (McKenna and Toll 1992:133; Varien 2000:5-6). In recent years, this Mesa Verde-centric perspective has been broadened by using Mesa Verde region and Northern San Juan region interchangeably (e.g., Lipe 1995), and by making a conscious effort to clarify and standardize usage of more specific geographic referents for discussing intraregional organization (Lipe 1995:143; McKenna and Toll 1992:133; Stein and Fowler 1996:123; Varien 2000:6-7). These efforts have resulted in the common usage of the terms the Totah and central Mesa Verde to describe two large areas within the Northern San Juan region (Lipe 1995, 2006; McKenna and Toll 1992; Varien et al. 1996; chapters in Varien and Wilshusen 2002), and specific locality names, such as Cedar Mesa and Red Rock Plateau (e.g., Lipe 1970; Matson et al. 1988), for areas west of Comb Ridge, a prominent geologic feature in the western portion of the region (Figures 1.2 and 2.1).

29 15 The term central Mesa Verde was first used by Lipe (1995:143) to describe, the area from Mesa Verde National Park to the Colorado-Utah border. This definition was later expanded by Varien (2000:7) to include the area that arcs from the Mancos River south of Mesa Verde National Park (i.e., Mesa Verde Proper) to Cottonwood Wash in southeast Utah. 2 Central Mesa Verde is a useful referent because settlement patterns within this area are more similar to each other than in the outermost eastern and western portions of the region. However, the use of central Mesa Verde as a geographic unit also conflates variation over this large area, which, in turn, has resulted in homogenized archaeological explanations of the depopulation of the region. For example, are the social organizations and interactions associated with people living in the cliff dwellings on Mesa Verde Proper really the same as the rest of central Mesa Verde? Mesa Verde Proper is considered part of central Mesa Verde based on the shared settlement pattern of large, aggregated canyon-oriented pueblos and similar demographic trends. However, the difference in elevation roughly 460 meters (1,500 feet) higher than the rest of central Mesa Verde the resulting increased rainfall, the longer growing season due to the southwestern facing aspect of the physiographic feature, and the location within the region suggests there would be different options available to people living on Mesa Verde Proper than in other parts of the region. These advantages would or at least could have led to different opportunities, interaction networks, experiences, and responses to the circumstances of the 1200s. Thus, there are reasons to believe that important differences are overlooked by considering central Mesa Verde as a coherent geographic area. I address this issue by undertaking a regional study of the Northern San Juan using a subregional scale to assess the extent to which differing social and environmental settings shaped social organization and interactions throughout the region.

30 16 Subregions of the Northern San Juan I use the subregion, an intermediate spatial scale between the region and site, as the analytical unit for my assessment of intraregional settlement and interaction. This intermediate scale is useful for trying to understand how small-scale social interactions intertwined and created regional-scale processes because it provides relevant social, political, and environmental contexts for those interactions. Depending on the cultural activities taking place within these areas, subregions, like regions, can represent spatial units, social units, or both. I emphasize the subregion as a spatial unit with the intention that my results provide context that can be used in future research to explore the subregions as social units. I defined five subregions based on both physiographic boundaries and Pueblo III period site distribution within the Northern San Juan region (see Figures 1.2 and 2.2). The northeastern portion of the region, the Upper La Plata and Piedra drainages (Varien et al. 1996:Figure 7.1), had low population density starting in the mid-1100s and was largely depopulated by A.D (Eddy 1977; Hannaford 1993; Varien et al. 1996:97-98). Therefore, I did not include this area in my analyses. The Totah subregion in northwest New Mexico pertains to the area surrounding the confluence of the Animas, La Plata, and San Juan rivers (McKenna and Toll 1992:133), and it is where Aztec Ruins National Monument is located. I follow Stein and Fowler s (1996:123) usage, which interprets the Totah broadly to include that part of northwestern New Mexico that lies north of the San Juan River (see Figures 1.2 and 2.2). This subregion is approximately 178 km east-west and 46 km north-south, an area of roughly 8,188 km 2. Central Mesa Verde is divided into the Mesa Verde Proper, McElmo-Monument, and West Mesa Verde subregions. My focus is on subregions, but when appropriate I will continue to use the terminology central Mesa Verde when referring collectively to all three subregions. The

31 17 Mesa Verde Proper (MVP) subregion refers to the physiographic feature known as Mesa Verde, including Mesa Verde National Park, Ute Mountain Ute Tribal Park, and the associated drainages into the Mancos River. It is approximately 32 km east-west and 28 km north-south covering an area of roughly 896 km 2. For this study, Mesa Verde Proper is primarily represented by site data from Mesa Verde National Park, which is a somewhat biased perspective as settlement data from much of the Ute land are not included. 3 Figure 2.2: GIS Map of the Northern San Juan region with the subregions. The McElmo-Monument (MM) subregion includes the canyons and mesas associated with the McElmo and Monument drainages, as well as the land around Ute Mountain (see Lipe and Varien 1999:Figure 9-1). It is approximately 56 km east-west and 77 km north-south covering an area of roughly 4,312 km 2. Most of this subregion is in southwest Colorado, but it does include the Utah portion of the Monument drainage (i.e., its western edge is roughly at the Hedley site, west of Dove Creek). This subregion is where the Sand Canyon locality and the Canyon of the Ancients National Monument are located.

32 18 The West Mesa Verde (WMV) 4 subregion is in southeast Utah and includes the areas surrounding the Montezuma and Cottonwood drainages, and Comb Ridge. It is approximately 62 km east-west and 57 km north-south, an area of roughly 3,534 km 2. Finally, the Lower San Juan (LSJ) 5 subregion spans the area from west of Comb Ridge to the confluence of the San Juan and Colorado rivers. It is approximately 93 km east-west and 56 km north-south, an area of roughly 5,208 km 2. This subregion includes Natural Bridges National Monument and Cedar Mesa, the Grand Gulch, and the Red Rock Plateau areas. The Natural Environment of the Northern San Juan The natural environment provides the fundamental conditions with which people live and affects how people survive. Near the northern limit and highest elevation for successful dry-land farming (Adams and Petersen 1999:49), the Northern San Juan region is an unpredictable and marginal environment for maize agriculture. This setting makes an agriculture-based subsistence a risky endeavor, highly susceptible to environmental perturbations. The region has great topographic diversity ranging from the southern margins of the Rocky Mountains (ca 4,200 m) to the lower elevations of the confluence of the Colorado and San Juan rivers and deep canyon bottoms of southeast Utah (ca 1,300 m). These elevational differences underlie variability in temperature, rainfall, and zones of available vegetation across the region (see also Adams and Petersen 1999:29). Another dimension of variability is the diverse geologies of the Northern San Juan region. Table 2.1 identifies the important geological formations within the region. 6 Due to the differences in geologies and elevation across the subregions, described below, there are differing natural settings that characterize each of the subregions and affect agricultural productivity and natural resource availability.

33 19 Table 2.1: Generalized geological column for the Northern San Juan MYA PERIOD FORMATION DESCRIPTION QUATERNARY Stream and Glacial Deposits Gravels TERTIARY Nacimiento, San Jose, and Telluride Formations Andesites, rhyolites, ash-flow tuffs, and conglomerate 78 Animas Formation Conglomeratic, greenish-gray and tan sandstone, siltstone, and shale Kirtland Shale Gray shale interbedded with sandstone Fruitland Formation Gray-white and brown Sandstone, gray and olive-brown shale, and coal Pictured Cliffs Sandstone Cliff-forming white sandstone interbedded with shale; Marine Cliff House Sandstone Sandstone; Transgressive marine Mesa Menefee Shale Dark shale, bentonite, coal, and plant Verde remains; Continental stream and swamp Group Point Lookout Sandstone Sandstone; Near shore marine Mancos Shale Dark shale, thin sandstone, limestone, bentonite, and fossiliferous; Transgressive offshore marine Dakota Sandstone Sandstone, dark shales, and coals; Transgressive, near shore marine Burro Canyon Formation Conglomerate; Continental, rapid stream 138 Morrison Brushy Basin Member Shale, sandstone, limestone and Formation Salt Wash Member dinosaur fossils; Continental swamps and broad streams Junction Creek Sandstone CRETACEOUS JURASSIC TRIASSIC PERMIAN Summerville Formation Entrada Sandstone Dolores Formation Wingate Formation Chinle Formation Moenkopi Formation Cutler Formation Earlier formations not exposed in the areas of interest Sandy shales; Continental, inland lake Reddish-orange and pinkish to white, fine sandstone; Continental sand dunes Sandstone, conglomerate; Continental stream, lake, floodplain Massive, cliff-forming sandstone; Light orange-red to brick red Variegated shale and clay; brown-gray and reddish sandstone Chocolate brown and reddish brown sandstone and siltstone Red-brown sandstone; Continental floodplain Dotted lines within the table indicate a major unconformity or erosion interval between formations. Table compiled using Griffitts 1990:5; Hilpert 1969:23; Larsen and Cross 1956:49-55; Sears 1956:178.

34 20 The Totah a Navajo word for where the three rivers come together largely consists of floodplains and associated uplands. The geological setting of the Totah includes the Fruitland, Kirtland, Animas, and Nacimiento formations. Altitude ranges from ca. 1,500 to 2,000 m asl. Despite an average annual precipitation of only 25 cm, agricultural conditions in the Totah are generally good because the La Plata, Animas, and San Juan floodplains encompass some of the best farmland in the region (Toll 1993). However, away from the floodplains, dry-land farming in this area is poor (Adams and Petersen 1999:31-33). Mesa Verde Proper is a geologic uplift consisting of a series of mesas cut by north-south trending canyons feeding into the Mancos River. The geological setting of this subregion includes the Mesa Verde Group formations of Point Lookout sandstone, Menefee shale, and Cliff House sandstone. Elevations range from ca. 2,000 to 2,600 m asl. Mesa Verde Proper is a highly desirable agricultural location because it has all the favorable climatic variables necessary for successful dry-land maize agriculture (Adams and Petersen 1999:32). For example, the yearly average precipitation is 48 cm, which is the highest annual precipitation of the five subregions. An additional advantage is that the physiographic uplift tilts downward toward the south, enabling a longer growing season because of increased exposure to the sun. The geologic setting of the mesas and canyons of the McElmo-Monument subregion includes the Mancos, Dakota, Morrison, Summerville, and Entrada formations. Altitude ranges from ca. 1,400 to 2,900 m asl. The annual precipitation is 33 to 45 cm. The geologic setting of the West Mesa Verde subregion includes the Dakota, Morrison, Summerville, Entrada, and Dolores formations. Elevation in this subregion ranges from ca. 1,500 m to 3,400 m, and there is an annual precipitation of 18 to 33 cm. For both of these subregions, although dry-land farming was feasible and agricultural productivity was relatively high (Adams and Petersen 1999:33), there was also considerable local variability (Adams and Petersen 1999; Van West 1996). Thus, in

35 21 general, farming in these two subregions was not as optimal as Mesa Verde Proper, but McElmo- Monument was a better location than West Mesa Verde because it had higher annual precipitation. The westernmost subregion of the Lower San Juan is markedly different from the rest of the region (Matson et al. 1988:245). The geologic setting of this subregion is distinct from the rest of the Northern San Juan and includes the Wingate, Chinle, Moenkopi, and Cutler formations. Elevation ranges from ca. 1,300 to 1,700 m asl. With an annual precipitation of 13 to 25 cm, the Lower San Juan is the most agriculturally marginal area within the region (Lipe 1970:91). This subregion also contains the steepest canyons, sparsest vegetation, and patchiest distribution of viable agricultural lands, making it nearly impossible to dry-land farm in this area (see also Lipe 1970:91-92). These descriptions illustrate the scope of physical variability and agricultural conditions across the region. For example, the differences in geology among the five subregions translate into varying soil properties for agricultural productivity and quality of clay sources for making pottery. Agricultural productivity in each subregion is further affected by variation in annual precipitation. The resulting differences in agricultural potential across the region conditioned settlement distribution, community organization, subsistence strategies, intraregional interaction, and decision-making. The effect of variation in precipitation was a particularly important concern in the western subregions, West Mesa Verde and the Lower San Juan, which were more susceptible to drought and near-drought due to their normally drier conditions and lower agricultural potential.

36 22 Pueblo III Period Climatic Conditions in the Northern San Juan Region Regional settlement distribution and social responses are affected not only by physiographic factors but also by climatic conditions. Climatically, there was much to contend with because the Pueblo III period in the Northern San Juan begins and ends with major droughts and unfavorable climatic conditions. The A.D interval was a particularly difficult time. Not only was there an extreme drought, but there was also a period of lower water tables, degraded floodplains, and decreased climatic spatial variability that resulted in reduced agricultural productivity (Van West and Dean 2000:37). This environmental downturn set into motion social responses that triggered emigration (Varien 1999:201), and also appears to have prompted increased aggregation into large sites (Glowacki et al. 2003; Varien et al. 2004). These dynamics conditioned the social landscape forming the basis of the developments that followed in the 1200s. There was another major drought in the 1270s (Berry 1982:106, 110; Douglass 1929). This drought, though not as severe as the one in the mid-1100s, was also accompanied by lower water tables, entrenched streams, and decreased spatial variability that resulted in reduced agricultural productivity (Van West and Dean 2000:37). However, although there was also increased aggregation into large sites associated with this drought (Varien et al. 2004, 2006), by the end of this drought period, the Northern San Juan region was depopulated. This outcome is strikingly different than that of the drought in the mid-1100s, particularly since the earlier drought was more severe. The 1270s drought has been used to explain why the Northern San Juan was depopulated (e.g., Douglass 1929; Berry 1982). However, there is great variability in the way droughts are experienced across a geographic area (Van West and Dean 2000:26), and the impact of a drought is not based solely on climatic conditions, but also on the ability of social, religious and political institutions to cope with the added strain on the society (Drèze and Sen 1989:46-7;

37 23 Dyson-Hudson and Dyson-Hudson 1975:129; Oliver-Smith 1996:303-5). Thus, although the drought and coincident environmental downturns contributed to regional subsistence and social stresses, these circumstances, in and of themselves, are not the cause of regional depopulation (see also Ahlstrom et al. 1995:131). To understand the role the 1270s drought played in the depopulation, we need to better understand the social conditions leading up to the onset of the drought. Between these two major droughts was a period of overall favorable climatic conditions (Van West and Dean 2000:32, 35-37), which was interspersed with shorter periods of cooler than normal temperatures (Kohler et al. 2005b; Salzer 2000:303, 312). There was also a major shift in the mid-1200s from a long-established pattern of bi-modal seasonal precipitation to a single, summer-dominant season (Cordell 2000; Dean 1996; Van West and Dean 2000). These conditions were further affected by local, seasonal, and subregional climatic variability and influenced by physiographic differences. This discussion of intraregional diversity in physiographic attributes among the subregions and the climatic conditions from A.D illustrates the importance of these factors in shaping regional dynamics. Based on these factors alone, it is apparent that peoples circumstances and the options available to them were conditioned by where they were living within the region. For example, the locations with the best farm land, such as the floodplains of the Totah, on Mesa Verde Proper, and in prime locations in McElmo-Monument, attracted the highest population densities in the region (see Chapter III). In these locations, the effects from environmental perturbations and drought conditions were lessened because agricultural productivity was more reliable. Therefore, people living in these areas often had the option to stay when times were tough, as at least some people did during the mid-1100s drought (Lipe and Varien 1999b:299; Varien et al. 2006).

38 24 However, the western subregions West Mesa Verde and the Lower San Juan are drier than those in the eastern portion of the region. As a result, people living in the western Northern San Juan from A.D were more susceptible to environmental perturbations and more likely took drastic actions, such as emigration, as responses to drought periods. For instance, the Lower San Juan already a marginal zone for agriculture was depopulated during the mid- 1100s drought because it was impossible to live there during extreme periods (Dean 1996:34; Lipe 1970: , 122; Haase 1983; Matson et al. 1988:247, 256). Following a brief hiatus that corresponds with the drought period, the Lower San Juan was reoccupied in the late 1100s and early 1200s when drought conditions were alleviated (Geib 1996:99; Lipe 1970:122). In contrast, the drought at the end of the 1200s was less severe than the one in the mid- 1100s, but everyone in the region ends up leaving, even those living on the best farm lands. So, although variation in physiographic attributes and precipitation is an important component shaping circumstances, it is not always the primary factor underlying social responses. The different outcomes of the two drought periods indicates concurrent social differences that in one case enabled the population to remain in the region, and in the other precipitated wide-spread emigration from the region. The Social Landscape of the Northern San Juan from A.D Social factors such as population levels, settlement patterns, ritual organization, and social climates (e.g., how much raiding is taking place) also contributed to the conditions leading up to regional depopulation. The following discussion describes these components of the social landscape from A.D at both regional and subregional levels to provide background for the more detailed assessment that follows.

39 25 Regional Population Trends Regional assessments show that population increased markedly in the Northern San Juan after the mid-1100s, and reached peak levels by the mid-1200s (Dean et al. 1994; Euler 1988; Lipe 1995:152; Lipe and Varien 1999b:312; Varien et al. 1996, 2006; Wilshusen 2002:118). After the mid-1200s, population declined until the region was depopulated by A.D Regional population trends were complex and included variation in patterns of population growth as well as decline across the region (Glowacki 2002; Lipe 1995: ; Varien et al. 1996:90, Figure 7.5). Current interpretations regarding the pace and timing of emigration from the region suggest that either emigration was relatively abrupt, and occurred rapidly in the late 1200s (Lipe 1995:152; Lipe and Varien 1999b:312; Rohn 1989:166; Varien et al. 1996: , 2004; Varien 1999:202; Wilshusen 2002:118), or it was more gradual and began in the late 1100s and early 1200s (Ahlstrom et al. 1995:137; Duff and Wilshusen 2000:185). Most likely, there were both abrupt and gradual emigrations from various parts of the region. For example, Lipe (1995: ) notes that people appear to have started leaving the western portion of the region at least a decade earlier than those in the east. In addition, recent estimates also indicate a population of 10,000-20,000 people living in the McElmo-Monument subregion into the late 1200s (Varien et al. 2006; Wilshusen 2002: ). Regional and Subregional Settlement Trends The predominant settlement pattern from A.D to 1150 was one of small residential sites (<10 rooms) clustered around a conspicuously larger site or great house (Adler 1990: ; Adler and Varien 1994; Varien 1999: ). Sharing some of the attributes of Chaco great houses, Northern San Juan great houses were distinctive in that they were constructed with

40 26 massive masonry walls, were typically located in prominent settings with a commanding view, and often contained blocked-in kivas (Lipe and Varien 1999a:258). As population increased after A.D. 1150, settlements became progressively more aggregated and canyon-oriented, and in some cases developed around existing great houses (Adler 1990: ; Adler and Varien 1994; Lipe and Ortman 2000; Ortman et al. 2000; Varien 1999: ; Varien et al. 1996). A number of these sites became among the largest in the region and served as community centers for nearby smaller sites (Adler 1990; Glowacki et al. 2003; Lipe and Varien 1999b; Varien 1999). Community centers are large settlements of 50 or more total structures that are typically the largest site in the immediate vicinity and often contain public architecture (Adler and Varien 1994; Lipe and Varien 1999b:345; Varien et al. 1996). Figure 2.3 illustrates examples of some of the community centers in the Northern San Juan. Although small in comparison to Aztec Ruin National Monument and Yellow Jacket Pueblo, Moon House is one of the largest sites in the Lower San Juan. Smaller habitations in canyon settings and on mesa tops were also occupied from A.D (e.g., Mahoney et al. 2000). However, despite being located on good farmland (Varien et al. 1996:98), many of these small sites were abandoned in the mid-1200s. Yet, population levels increased suggesting at least some of the people living in these sites moved into community centers (Glowacki et al. 2003; Varien et al. 2004). In fact, recent estimates using site data from McElmo-Monument suggest that by A.D. 1260, roughly 70% of the population lived in large centers (Varien et al. 2004; Wilshusen 2002:118). Thus, there was a clear trend toward increasing aggregation into large sites during the 1200s. Aggregation into large sites may provide a means for coping with variable agricultural productivity and environmental fluctuations (Adler 1996; Orcutt 1991; Van West and Kohler 1996); for protection and defense against external threats (LeBlanc 1999); and for managing growing population, competition over resources,

41 27 N 5 m Moon House (M1) (Lower San Juan) 100 m N N 90 m Aztec Ruins National Monument (Totah) Yellow Jacket Pueblo (5MT5) (McElmo-Monument) Figure 2.3: Examples of site layouts of community centers in the Northern San Juan. and land tenure disputes (Adler 1994, 1996; Cordell 1996: ; Cordell et al. 1994; Kintigh 1994; Kohler 1992; Stone 1994). However, aggregation, particularly if it occurs rapidly, also affects interpersonal relations within the pueblo and contributes to organizational changes to accommodate larger groups of people within a community (Adler 1996; Bernardini 1996; Crown and Kohler 1994). Aggregation was most prominent in the McElmo-Monument and Mesa Verde Proper subregions, but large, aggregated sites were also present in West Mesa Verde and the Totah. However, people living in the Lower San Juan maintained their dispersed, small site settlement pattern throughout the 1200s.

42 28 In conjunction with increased aggregation, settlements were also becoming more clustered (Varien 1999:158-60, Figure 7.9; Varien et al. 2000). Varien has documented this trend in the Mesa Verde Proper and McElmo-Monument subregions, and to a lesser degree, in West Mesa Verde. Increasing site proximity during the 1200s may have become problematic, particularly in McElmo-Monument and Mesa Verde Proper, because resource catchments may have begun to overlap heightening competition over resources (Varien 1999; Varien et al. 2000). Additionally, as sites became more concentrated, mobility and access to productive land would have been constrained, affecting peoples ability to successfully farm during environmentally unfavorable periods (Van West 1994). Although not included in Varien s study, increasingly clustered settlements also occurred in the Totah (Hannaford 1993:11); however, this pattern was probably the result of settlement location being closely tied to the rivers. In contrast, sites in the Lower San Juan remained small and dispersed throughout the Pueblo III period (e.g., Lipe 1970; Matson et al. 1988). In sum, population dynamics in the Northern San Juan during the 1200s are characterized by increasing population, aggregation, and greater site proximity. These dynamics were most strongly evident in McElmo-Monument and Mesa Verde Proper, but also occur to a lesser degree in the Totah and West Mesa Verde. Although population in the Lower San Juan also increased after A.D. 1150, overall, population density was lower than the rest of the region and aggregation into large sites and increasing proximity of site locations were not a major part of the social landscape in this subregion.

43 29 Social and Ritual Change during the 1200s While population density and aggregation increased during the 1200s, important changes in social organization and ritual practice were also taking place. These changes were associated with new developments in architecture, pueblo organization, and communal activities. In contrast to earlier constructions, sites built in the mid-to-late 1200s were often bilaterally divided by natural features, such as drainages and buttes, or by masonry walls (Lipe and Ortman 2000:108-9; Parks and Dean 1998; Rohn 1971). This division often created an asymmetric distribution of public architecture within the pueblos (Lipe and Ortman 2000:109). Bilateral division within late pueblos has been primarily documented at sites in McElmo-Monument and on Mesa Verde Proper (Fiero 1999; Lipe and Ortman 2000; Nordby 2001). Pueblos in the Totah do not appear to be bilaterally divided by either natural or constructed partitions; however, the dual great house pattern found at some sites in the Totah may be a different expression of complementary duality (Dykeman and Langenfeld 1987:108). In contrast, sites in the western subregions do not appear to have expressed dualism architecturally. 7 Thus, pueblo layouts in the mid-to-late 1200s suggests there was a change in pueblo social organization, perhaps related to dual organization (Lipe and Ortman 2000: ; Nordby 2001: ), that was strongly expressed in McElmo- Monument and Mesa Verde Proper site layouts, and perhaps in the Totah, but was less emphasized, at least architecturally, in the western subregions. During the 1200s, sites were also increasingly located on or near canyon rims rather than mesa tops (Lipe 1995:153; Lipe and Varien 1999b:303, 312; Varien 1999:149). This virtually region-wide pattern is apparent in the cliff dwellings on Mesa Verde Proper (Hayes 1964:109-10; Lipe 1995:153; Nickens 1981:39) and in the Lower San Juan (Bedell 2000; Lipe 1970:123; Matson et al. 1988:254-5), and canyon-rim and canyon-head pueblos in McElmo-Monument and West Mesa Verde (Varien 1999; Lipe and Ortman 2000; Ortman et al. 2000). Canyon-oriented

44 30 sites do not occur in the Totah, where settlement instead became increasingly concentrated in the river valleys (McKenna 1998; McKenna and Toll 1992:134; Stein and McKenna 1988). It is interesting that canyon-rim orientation became a strong pattern both in areas dominated by large aggregated sites, such as McElmo-Monument, and in those characterized by small, dispersed settlements, as in the Lower San Juan. In addition, regardless of whether the site was newly constructed in the mid-1200s or it was multi-component, construction taking place during the mid-1200s was primarily along canyon rims (Ortman et al. 2000). Therefore, there must have been compelling broadly experienced factors that motivated this construction, which may have included such factors as the concern with defense and the need to secure water access. For example, community centers in the McElmo-Monument subregion are located closer to springs over time (C. David Johnson, personal communication 2004) suggesting an increasing concern with securing access to water. The focus on canyon rim architecture corresponds with increasing tension and raiding, as archaeological evidence for regional violence increases during the 1200s (Kohler and Kramer 2003; Kramer 2002; Kuckelman et al. 2000; LeBlanc 1999; Martin 1997). Access to resources and spaces within pueblos also appears to have been regulated, which implies there was some level of concern with securing resources. Increased control of access to resources is particularly evident in the cliff dwellings on Mesa Verde, where remodeling and new construction at sites, such as Cliff Palace, Balcony House, and Spring House in the late 1200s appears to have restricted access to both stored foods and water sources (Fiero 1999; Nordby 2001; Parks and Dean 1997). For example, the Speaker Chief Complex, a three-storied portion of Cliff Palace, appears to have controlled access to the large storage rooms on the upper alcove ledge (Nordby 2001:109). Furthermore, the construction of impressive buildings, such as the Great Tower Complex at Yellow Jacket Pueblo (Ortman et al. 2000), appears to be related to

45 31 regulating access to water. The Great Tower Complex, which includes a series of check dams, is located at the head of Yellow Jacket Canyon and effectively controls access to the spring. Ritual transformations were also taking place at this time and involved an increase in communal activities and exclusionary ritual practices at community centers. For example, the nature of communal space changes in the mid-1200s when there is a shift in emphasis from great kivas to plazas (Lipe and Ortman 2000: ). This architectural change indicates an increase in the importance of public, community-scale ritual in the 1200s. Changes in ceramics provide further evidence for this trend. Serving bowl sizes increased (Mills 1999; Ortman 2000), and exterior bowl designs became more common (Hegmon 1991; Mills 1999; Ortman 2000, 2002; Robinson 2005), which suggest there may have been an increase in communal activities (See Chapter V). Simultaneously, there was also a new emphasis on multi-walled structures, which are thought to be exclusionary ritual architecture (Churchill et al. 1998; Lekson 1999; Lipe and Ortman 2000:111; Reed 1958; Vivian 1959). Thus, ritual practices in the Northern San Juan during the 1200s included both arenas for group participation and for exclusionary control by smaller social segments of the population (See Chapters III). In sum, changes in pueblo layouts, emphases on canyon rim orientation, efforts to restrict access to important resources, and evidence for ritual transformation all point to changes in ancestral Puebloan social organization in the Northern San Juan that were most evident in the McElmo-Monument and Mesa Verde Proper subregions. Toward Understanding the Social Landscape and Intraregional Interaction Regional organization and interaction within the Northern San Juan are not well understood. For example, there is on-going discussion among archaeologists about the nature of

46 32 the social and political relationships between Aztec and the rest of the region (Brown et al. 2005; Judge 2002; Kohler and Kramer 2003; Kramer 2002; Lekson 1999; Lipe 2006; Lipe and Varien 1999b; Toll 1993). Some view intraregional interaction during the 1200s as dependent on Aztec being the dominant political and ritual power in the region (Lekson 1999: , ); whereas others view the community centers as the primary organizational basis structuring intraregional interaction, with Aztec although important being one of many centers in the region (Lipe 2006; Lipe and Varien 1999b: ). Additionally, our understanding of regional dynamics during the 1200s indicates important differences across the region, particularly between the eastern and western portions of the region. For example, the western subregions of West Mesa Verde and the Lower San Juan are not only drier than the rest of the region, and processes like aggregation and site clustering are not as prevalent in these subregions. The more agriculturally favorable eastern subregions correspondingly appear to have had more intense population dynamics that include increasing aggregation and greater site proximity. Social changes, archaeologically evident through changes in pueblo layout and architectural features related to controlling access to resources and modifications to ritual practices, are also more common in the eastern subregions. These differences in natural setting, population dynamics, and architectural expression, described above, suggest there were also corresponding differences in intraregional organization and interaction. In the subsequent chapters, I will explore differences in occupation histories, settlement patterns, and distributions of key architectural features within the subregions to obtain a more informed idea of how the social contexts of the 1200s in different portions of the region contributed to the regional dynamics fostering depopulation. Once these contexts are better defined, I will evaluate the extent to which people were connected to different portions of the region using intraregional patterns of pottery circulation.

47 33 Endnotes 1 In this case, Chaco exerting influence is not to be understood as a hegemonic, interdependent system, but rather that the influence of Chacoan ideology appears across the Colorado Plateau in various ways, such as the emulation of great house architecture (see Kantner 2003). 2 I use a slightly expanded definition of central Mesa Verde that includes Comb Ridge. This major physiographic feature (see Figure 2.1) likely structured interactions because although people clearly traversed Comb Ridge (see Till 2001; Till and Hurst 2002), there are significant environmental and geological differences between the areas to the east and west of this feature. 3 Site data from Ute and Navajo tribal lands were not available at this time, as I had not yet contacted tribal members to gauge interest in this project. 4 Lipe (1995:144) defines Western Mesa Verde as the area from the Utah state line all the way over to the Colorado River. However, again the use of this referent masks a lot of variability, in fact, as defined by Lipe, Western Mesa Verde includes portions of McElmo-Monument subregion and all of the West Mesa Verde, and the Lower San Juan subregions, and thus encompasses the greatest continuum of variability within the region (e.g., small sites in Cedar Mesa as well as large centers in the eastern portion of this area). 5 The term Lower San Juan was also used by Adams and Adams (1959:1) to describe the 140-mile stretch of the San Juan River from Bluff to the Colorado River. Their usage of this referent was primarily tied to this portion of the river, and the associated the floodplain. My research extends this definition to include the land north of this stretch of river. Till (2001:3) has also used Lower San Juan in his research on Chacoan roads to reference the area from the Montezuma drainage, west to the confluence of the San Juan and Colorado rivers. Till s definition of the Lower San Juan overlaps with the western portion of the area defined as central Mesa Verde because it was originally defined based on the drainage system originating in the Abajos. Thus, my usage of the Lower San Juan conforms with Till s usage, excluding the area that overlaps with West Mesa Verde. 6 General descriptions of the geology of the Colorado Plateau and canyon country that include the Northern San Juan can be obtained from Baars (1983) and Barnes (1978). More specific geologic descriptions of the sub-regions, largely a result of mining efforts throughout the region, include Anderson et al. 1997; Ekren and Houser 1965; Force and Howell 1997; Griffitts 1990; Larsen and Cross 1956; Maxfield 1979; Sears 1956; and Wanek There are likely possible exceptions to this in West Mesa Verde, for example, one could argue that the site of Red Knobs may have a physical expression of dual organization oriented around the two geologic prominences within the site (Allison 2004).

48 CHAPTER III: 34 DEFINING THE SOCIAL LANDSCAPE: DEMOGRAPHY, COMMUNITY CENTERS, AND PUBLIC ARCHITECTURE In this chapter, I use site data to examine settlement patterns, occupation histories, and the distribution of public architecture within each subregion. This analysis enables a comparison of these data to assess the degree of subregional variation and to define the social contexts shaping interactions in each subregion. It represents the first assessment of the spatial distribution of Pueblo III period habitation and public architecture for the entire Northern San Juan region. The results of my analysis show that differing occupation histories and patterns of intraregional population movement were key factors shaping the social landscape from A.D Specifically, intraregional population movements led to McElmo-Monument and Mesa Verde Proper becoming the most populous locales in the region by the mid-1200s, a development that significantly structured social dynamics during this time. The Northern San Juan Pueblo III Period Habitation Site Database My analysis is based on site data compiled from published reports and from electronic databases maintained at five state and federal institutions. 1 The resulting database contains information on 3,722 habitation sites with a Pueblo III period component and contemporaneous sites comprised of isolated public architecture, such as great kivas. It does not include field houses, artifact scatters, or isolated features such as terraces, checkdams, reservoirs, or rooms unless associated with other features that suggest long-term habitation, such as a kiva. This database does not contain all of the known Pueblo III habitation sites; not included are some sites on Navajo and Ute Mountain Ute lands, and those added to the institutional databases after data

49 35 for this study were collected. Site data are displayed on digital elevation models using ArcGIS to assess the distribution of habitation sites and architectural features across the region (e.g., Figure 3.1). This database is the most comprehensive record of Pueblo III period settlement to date, and is only possible because of the strong foundation provided by prior efforts to comprehensively synthesize data from large portions of the region (e.g., McKenna and Toll 1992; Lipe and Varien 1999b; Varien 1999; Varien et al. 1996, 2006; Stein and Fowler 1996; Hurst and Till 2002). Figure 3.1: Distribution of sites in the Northern San Juan region with a Pueblo III period component (A.D ). There are several caveats to keep in mind when using these data. The Northern San Juan region, approximately 22,100 km 2, encompasses the Four Corners and contains a patchwork of private, Federal, and Native lands. Although full-coverage survey is desirable for analyzing settlement patterns (Fish and Kowalewski 1990), it is not feasible for an area this large and there are gaps in survey coverage. Another concern is that the type and comparability of data recorded among different surveyors and institutions vary greatly because there are differences in how sites

50 36 and architectural features are identified and how the collected data are organized. For example, architectural features such as towers, plazas, great kivas, and enclosing walls are not consistently identified due to differing opinions about the criteria used to classify these features. The surveyors documentation was taken as accurate with the understanding that there were possibly errors in recording or unidentified features. 2 To account for these issues, robust patterning based on a large amount of data is emphasized in the following discussions; however, new information from surveys and excavations will undeniably refine and may alter the results presented here. Estimating Subregional Demography, A.D I examine population density, growth, and decline from A.D to document demographic trends within each subregion. Population estimates of the Northern San Juan region have been assessed at a variety of spatial scales. For example researchers have estimated population trends for the entire region (Duff and Wilshusen 2000), for southwest Colorado and southeast Utah combined (Dean et al. 1994:58-59), for southwest Colorado (Wilshusen 2002), and for specific study areas, such as the Village project study area within the McElmo-Monument subregion (Varien et al. 2006). Additionally, some researchers have focused on smaller geographic scales to better understand intraregional variability in population distribution (Lipe 1995; Varien et al. 1996; Wilshusen 2002). My analysis differs from previous intraregional studies in that it uses comparable site data from all portions of the region, including the Totah. Although the Totah has been incorporated into previous discussions (e.g., Lipe 1995:45-58; Lipe and Varien 1999b:322, 324), it has yet to be systematically evaluated in an intraregional comparison of population. An additional strength is that by using a subregional scale, I can independently examine the three

51 37 subregions that comprise central Mesa Verde to evaluate the degree of variation within an area that is often considered as a single spatial unit. Comparing Site Distribution and Density The regional distribution of Pueblo III period habitation sites is a concentrated arc of settlement, about km wide, paralleling the path of the San Juan River (Figure 3.1; see also Varien et al. 1996). Population is relatively concentrated throughout the central portion of the region; the extreme eastern and western margins of the regional site distribution are more dispersed (Figure 3.1). Most of the Pueblo III period sites in the Lower San Juan, the westernmost subregion, are concentrated in the eastern portion of the subregion in areas like the Grand Gulch and Cedar Mesa, with site density decreasing substantially to the west. The same pattern holds in the Totah, except in mirror image. Here, sites were concentrated in the western half of the subregion, around Aztec and near Mesa Verde Proper and McElmo-Monument, and were dispersed in the eastern Totah. I use site density the number of sites per km 2 as a proxy to compare populations among the subregions (Table 3.1). Densities were calculated using the total area of each subregion (km 2 ) because the total area surveyed was not available for all of the subregions at the time of this study. For this analysis, site size and uninhabitable areas are not taken into consideration. Therefore, these densities are rough indicators of subregional population concentration. Although results are likely influenced by variable amounts of survey in each subregion, the variation in the concentration of population across the region does seem to be meaningful and is similar to the results of previous studies. For example, the moderate population density for the Northern San Juan and its subregions in Table 3.1 is similar to estimates by

52 Table 3.1: Density of sites with a Pueblo III period component. Number of Habitation Subregions and Region Sites Area (km 2 ) Site Density Descriptor Totah 558 8, Low-to-Moderate Mesa Verde Proper High McElmo-Monument 1,621 4, Moderate-to-High Eastern subregions 2,870 13, Moderate West Mesa Verde 664 3, Moderate Lower San Juan 188 5, Low Western subregions 852 8, Low-to-Moderate Northern San Juan 3,722 22, Moderate 38 Varien and his colleagues (1996:Figure 7.5), which were based on block survey data from portions of Mesa Verde Proper, McElmo-Monument, West Mesa Verde, and the Lower San Juan. Overall, these data show the highest site densities in the region are in Mesa Verde Proper, McElmo-Monument, and West Mesa Verde. (Table 3.1; Figure 3.1) These three subregions contain 2,976 Pueblo III period habitation sites, which comprise 80% of the total site sample (site density = 0.34 sites per km 2 ). Thus, during the Pueblo III period, most people in the Northern San Juan were living in one of these three subregions of central Mesa Verde. The Totah contains 15% of the regional site sample. Although it appears to have a low-to-moderate population density (Table 3.1), the population within the Totah appears to be most concentrated in the western half of the subregion (roughly 3,920 km 2 ). Site density in this portion of the Totah is in the moderate range and is similar to West Mesa Verde. Furthermore, population in the Totah was mostly concentrated along the river drainages (McKenna 1998; McKenna and Toll 1992:134; Stein and McKenna 1988), which suggests the effective population density was higher than indicated in Table In the Lower San Juan, which contains 5% of the regional site sample, there was a much lower population density than the rest of the region (Figure 3.1; Table 3.1; see also Lipe 1970, 2002; McVickar 2001:227, 231; Varien 1999).

53 39 The most striking fact is that Mesa Verde Proper and McElmo-Monument have the highest population densities in the region. Combined, these subregions comprise 62% of the regional site sample (n=2,312) and 24% of the regional area, with a population density of 0.44 sites per km 2. Of the two, Mesa Verde Proper a relatively small and circumscribed geographic area had the highest population density (Table 3.1). Because it is also the location of Mesa Verde National Park, this subregion also likely has the highest percentage of land surveyed in the region, which may contribute to this patterning. 4 However, Mesa Verde Proper has long been considered to have some of the highest population densities in the region (Lipe 1995:153; Wilshusen 2002:114; Varien et al. 1996:Figure 7.5), and given the agricultural advantages in this subregion, it is likely that this area was indeed more densely populated than other parts of the Northern San Juan. Although Mesa Verde Proper has the highest site density, on the whole, sites in McElmo-Monument are larger (see below). Therefore, the actual population of McElmo- Monument was likely more dense than is indicated by these data. The high population concentration in both Mesa Verde Proper and McElmo-Monument indicates there may have been attractive qualities to these areas, such as access to viable agricultural lands or social advantages, which were not found in the other subregions. Subregional Occupation Histories The next step in understanding intraregional demographic trends and how they contribute to the social context of the 1200s is to determine the occupation history of each subregion. Comparing similarities and differences in the timing of peak population and noticeable emigration allows us to obtain a more informed understanding of how intraregional population trends correspond with each other creating a more dynamic picture of the historical developments

54 40 within the Northern San Juan. We can then infer how population processes, such as demographic shifts, may have shaped intraregional interaction during this period. Population trends for each subregion are assessed using room counts from community centers (large sites), which has been a useful method for evaluating population trends both across the U.S. Southwest (Hill et al. 2004) and in the Northern San Juan (Lipe 1995; Lipe and Varien 1999b; Wilshusen 2002). Community centers are found throughout the region (Brown et al. 2005; Cattanach 1980; Glowacki and Varien 2003; Hurst and Till 2002; Lipe and Ortman 2000; Lipe and Varien 1999b; McKenna and Toll 1992; Nordby 2001; Varien 1999). Many, but not all, of these community centers had some of the longest histories in the Northern San Juan, spanning multiple generations of continuous occupation (Varien 1999: ; Toll 1993). Because of their large size, it is clear these sites were prominent features of the social landscape that structured settlement organization and interaction. Building on previous research (Glowacki and Varien 2003; Varien et al. 1996; Varien 1999), community centers in the Northern San Juan Pueblo III habitation site database were identified as any site with one or more of the following criteria: 1) 50 or more rooms and kivas, 2) nine or more households estimated by the number of kivas, and 3) public architecture (Adler and Varien 1994; Glowacki and Varien 2003; Lipe 2002; Lipe and Varien 1999b; Varien et al. 1996; Varien 1999: ). The use of these criteria produces a database of 227 community centers from across the Northern San Juan region, which formed the basis for examining relative settlement trends in the occupation histories of each subregion. Although people were also living in smaller pueblos during the Pueblo III period (Mahoney et al. 2000), the use of large sites to delineate subregional scale settlement trends provides both a reasonable gauge of relative trends and a consistent site sample. Given the amount of survey and synthetic research, it is reasonable

55 41 to assume that an overwhelming majority of the large sites within the region have been recorded, and that differences in their distributions are real, and not artifacts of survey coverage. Community centers in Mesa Verde Proper and McElmo-Monument, and to some extent in West Mesa Verde, have well-dated occupations due to tree-ring dates and a high percentage of excavated ceramic assemblages. These data provide a relatively precise temporal assignment for many of the sites in these subregions. On the other hand, the large sites in the Totah and Lower San Juan have broad estimated occupation spans because these assignments rely more heavily on survey data and fewer tree-ring dates. Therefore, it is important to recognize that patterning may, in part, be influenced by the poor chronological resolution for community center occupations in these subregions. Estimated room counts from the community centers provide the most comparable means for assessing trends in population growth and decline. Room count data were available for 158 of the 227 community centers (70%) and these were used in the following analysis. All rooms were considered domestic because there was no way to evaluate room function based on the available data. The raw room count for each of the 158 sites was adjusted to produce a momentary room count, which is the number of rooms at a site likely to be in use at any given time during its occupation span (see Appendix A.1 for community center data including room counts). Thus, for the sake of producing comparable estimates, it was assumed that the overall site population did not vary significantly during occupation. The momentary room count for each site was calculated using this formula: the total room count multiplied by the average room use-life divided by the occupation period length. It was calculated for each site using an average use-life of 40 years and the occupation period length specific to that site. For example, Yucca House (5MT5006) in the McElmo-Monument subregion has an estimated 450 rooms and a 140-year occupation from A.D (Glowacki 2001:21; McElmo-Yellowjacket Settlement Model database v5.3). The

56 42 momentary room count for Yucca House is 450 multiplied by 40 divided by 140, which equals 129 rooms. A 40-year use-life was selected based on an average of Varien s (1999: ) occupation span estimates for small Pueblo III sites tested in the Sand Canyon locality. It is a relatively conservative estimate for large, long-lived sites. However, this number is an average and some rooms were occupied for less than 40 years and some for more than 40 years. If the uselife of a room is varied between 25 and 60 years, the number of momentary rooms change, but the overall pattern of the timing of peak population and noticeable emigration for each subregion remains the same. The next step in generating the occupation histories involved assigning momentary room counts for each site to their respective occupation period. Continuing with the Yucca House example, this means that 129 rooms were assigned to the intervening years between A.D and Sites whose occupation ended before A.D were not included. The momentary room counts for all the sites were then aggregated and displayed by 20-year intervals to show the occupation history for each subregion (see Table 3.2 for aggregated data). The resulting occupation history provides a general indication of population trends within these subregions. Table 3.2: Momentary room counts by subregion from A.D A.D. Totah (N=30) Mesa Verde Proper (N=27) McEmo- Monument (N=60) West Mesa Verde (N=34) Lower San Juan (N=7) Northern San Juan (N=159) (N= the number of centers with an estimated room count)

57 43 Overall, this approach provides a conservative method for determining the occupation history of each subregion. However, in all likelihood, it overestimates initial site occupation and underestimates near-terminal peak occupations, particularly for sites occupied for a long time. Thus, the trends in population in the mid-to-late 1200s, which already show strong patterning (Figures 3.2 and 3.3), may be underestimated. Additionally, assigning momentary room counts across the occupation period inherently homogenizes these data and the resulting occupation histories are not sensitive to minor fluctuations. Population increases should be recognized as involving local processes of aggregation, immigration from other subregions, natural population increase, or all of these possibilities combined. Although it is a conservative method, the resulting occupation histories reveal important intraregional population dynamics that shaped the social landscape from A.D Figure 3.2 is the regional occupation history produced by aggregating momentary room counts from all of the community centers with room counts. It shows steady population increase until A.D. 1260, after which point, population sharply decreased until the region was depopulated by A.D This profile is consistent with previous descriptions of population trends in the Northern San Juan (e.g., Lipe 1995; Varien et al. 1996), and is the baseline with which to compare the individual subregion histories. Consideration of subregional occupation histories indicates that the intraregional demographic picture is more complicated than the regional trend implies. In Figure 3.3, variation in the pattern of population change among the subregions is clearly evident. Each subregion not only has different overall population levels, but also varying timing and duration of peak population levels and population decline. The McElmo-Monument subregion stands out as being the demographic center of the Northern San Juan region in that the most people were living

58 44 Northern San Juan Region Total Momentary Room Count A.D. A.D. Figure 3.2: Northern San Juan regional population trends from community centers. in this subregion throughout the Pueblo III period. It is possible that this trend is attributable to the McElmo-Monument subregion having nearly twice as many large sites as any other subregion. However, given differences in timing of population peak and distribution of public architecture among the subregions, I believe the distinctive occupation history of the McElmo- Monument subregion is related to actual differences in the occupation history of this area rather than a function of sample size. There were also differences in the timing of noticeable emigration from the eastern subregions versus the western ones, which points to the presence of differing circumstances that prompted emigration in these subregions. The following discussion highlights the occupation history trends for each subregion. Totah subregion. Although it was the location of New Chaco (Lekson 1999), population levels in the Totah were lower than those in the Mesa Verde Proper, McElmo- Monument, and West Mesa Verde subregions (Figure 3.3). These population levels appear to have been relatively sustained from A.D Provided this period of sustained population is not an artifact of the poor resolution of occupation dates for sites in the Totah, this trend suggests a level of stability in the occupational histories of large sites that did not occur

59 45 elsewhere. Marked population growth occurred in the Totah prior to A.D when people attempting to maintain the ideological core of Chaco relocated to Aztec in the late 1000s and early 1100s (Brown 2004; Brown et al. 2005; Lekson 1999). Population increase related to the establishment of Aztec and possibly associated immigration from the central San Juan Basin after Chaco declined continued into the mid-1100s when there were as many as 12 new centers with Pueblo III period components established. This population increase established the basis of the sustained population levels in the Totah during the Pueblo III period. Population declined in the Totah after A.D. 1260, but more gradually than in other subregions. Possible explanations for this gradual decline include: 1) people may have left this area at a slower pace than the rest of the region; 2) population in the Totah was supplemented by immigrants from Mesa Verde Proper, and perhaps McElmo-Monument, where population began to decline at about the same time; or 3) it is an artifact of the poor chronological resolution of these data. Although the occupation history of the Totah differed, noticeable population decline began at about the same time as in McElmo-Monument and Mesa Verde Proper. Mesa Verde Proper subregion. Peak population levels in Mesa Verde Proper were higher than those in West Mesa Verde, the Totah and the Lower San Juan (Table 3.2; Figure 3.3). Population on Mesa Verde Proper remained relatively low until the A.D interval, when there was a period of substantial growth. Population reached peak levels by A.D , roughly 20 years before population peaked in McElmo-Monument. Sustained peak population levels in Mesa Verde Proper were short-lived, and lasted only about 40 years from the A.D to 1260 interval. Noticeable emigration began by the 1260s and was more rapid than in either the Totah or McElmo-Monument with only remnant occupation in the centers on Mesa Verde Proper by A.D Overall, the occupation history of Mesa Verde Proper was characterized by a short and intense period of large site occupation during the mid-1200s.

60 46 Subregional Occupation Histories, A.D Total Momentary Room Count A.D. A.D. McElmo-Monument West Mesa Verde Mesa Verde Proper Lower San Juan Totah Figure 3.3: Subregional population profiles to compare timing of population peak and decline. The points represent the interval, not a specific date. McElmo-Monument subregion. This subregion numerically dominates the regional sample and drives the overall regional trend (Figure 3.2). Population in the McElmo-Monument subregion continued to increase for more than 120 years A.D with population reaching peak levels at the end of this trajectory of growth. Noticeable emigration began after A.D. 1260; however, the initial decline during the A.D interval was not as marked as in Mesa Verde Proper (Figure 3.3). The occupation history of the McElmo-Monument subregion differs from the rest of the region in that there were still notable numbers of people in McElmo- Monument centers into the 1280s. in sum, the McElmo-Monument subregion was not only the most populous portion of the Northern San Juan, but it was also the last area to be depopulated. West Mesa Verde subregion. Population levels in the West Mesa Verde subregion were more similar to those found on Mesa Verde Proper than McElmo-Monument (Figure 3.3).

61 47 However, population peaked during the A.D interval, earlier than in either of these two subregions. In West Mesa Verde, there were relatively low levels of population living in large sites until A.D , when there was a period of marked population growth. The depopulation of West Mesa Verde also began earlier than elsewhere in the region. It appears that population began to gradually decline through the A.D interval, after which point there was a period of rapid emigration followed by gradual decline until the subregion was completely uninhabited by A.D Population decline in this subregion coincided with significant population increases in the McElmo-Monument and Mesa Verde Proper subregions, and the increased construction of new centers in McElmo-Monument (Glowacki et al. 2003; Varien et al. 2006). This co-occurrence suggests that as people left West Mesa Verde, some of them may have moved into the McElmo-Monument subregion, while others left the Northern San Juan region altogether. Lower San Juan subregion. As expected, population levels in the Lower San Juan were the lowest in the region (Figure 3.3). These low levels were sustained without significant increases or decreases from A.D until the area was depopulated in the late 1200s (see also Lipe 1995). Only seven community centers represent the Lower San Juan; therefore, its occupation history mirrors individual site histories rather than characterizes the subregion. This small sample size is not a result of poor sampling, but rather indicates there are significantly fewer large sites in the western margins of the region because a higher proportion of the overall population in this subregion resided in small sites. Summarizing Subregional Occupation Histories The unique occupation histories of each subregion (Figure 3.3) are important for understanding the social landscape that fostered regional depopulation. People across the region

62 48 faced differing demographic contexts and would have experienced social and environmental conditions differently. This analysis highlights two demographic facts that played an important role in defining the social landscape during the 1200s. First, the McElmo-Monument subregion was the most populated locale in the Northern San Juan with nearly 45% of the regional population. Population levels in this subregion continuously increased during the early 1200s. Thus, it seems that the community center settlement organization and associated dynamics in McElmo-Monument were increasingly attractive to people until a tipping point was reached in the 1260s, when people began to empty out of the region. McElmo-Monument was also the last portion of the region to be depopulated, with substantial population remaining in the subregion into the 1280s (Table 3.2, Figure 3.3). A second important demographic dynamic is that people began leaving West Mesa Verde earlier than McElmo-Monument, Mesa Verde Proper, and the Totah. The timing of noticeable emigration from this subregion at A.D is commensurate with a population increase in the McElmo-Monument subregion. The increased emigration from West Mesa Verde immediately follows the construction of at least 18 new centers in McElmo-Monument from A.D (Glowacki et al. 2003). The timing of emigration from West Mesa Verde suggests at least some people were immigrating to the centers in McElmo-Monument, and perhaps Mesa Verde Proper, and contributed to the increasing population levels in these subregions. Ceramic evidence may also indicate western immigrants were moving into McElmo-Monument after A.D as there was an increase in the frequency of pottery design attributes derived from loom-woven cotton cloth, which are thought to have originated in the western Northern San Juan (Ortman, personal communication, 2004). Subsequent to this emigration from the west, people began leaving the eastern subregions by A.D The synchronous timing of emigration from the Totah, Mesa Verde Proper, and

63 49 McElmo-Monument implies there were shared circumstances motivating people to leave these subregions. Thus, the subregional occupation histories suggest there were at least two periods of major emigration. One that is characterized by early emigration from West Mesa Verde that involved intensified population consolidation into McElmo-Monument and Mesa Verde Proper, and, another period that marks the beginning of the widespread emigration from the eastern subregions ultimately resulting in the complete depopulation of the region. A Subregional Comparison of Pueblo III Community Centers in the Northern San Juan Community centers in the Northern San Juan appear to have played a key organizational role in the social landscape of the region. As a locus of ritual and political activities that did not take place in smaller sites (Muir and Driver 2002, 2004; Lipe 2002), community centers were integral features that facilitated social, economic and political interaction within the center and among nearby smaller settlements (Adler and Varien 1994; Varien 1999; Varien et al. 2004). I compare the distribution, density, and average size of community centers in each subregion to better understand how community centers structured the social landscape of the Northern San Juan. The results of my analysis indicate that the community center-based settlement pattern took on an increased importance in the McElmo-Monument and Mesa Verde Proper subregions during the mid-to-late 1200s, and that community center organization was different in these subregions than in the rest of the Northern San Juan. The Density and Average Size of Pueblo III Period Community Centers The regional distribution of all 227 community centers with a Pueblo III period component shows community centers were both highly clustered and relatively dispersed (Figure

64 50 3.4). The community centers in the McElmo-Monument and Mesa Verde Proper subregions are the most densely concentrated in region (Table 3.3; see also Varien 1999). In the remaining subregions, the centers are dispersed and more regularly-spaced; a pattern that is particularly apparent along the San Juan River and the Montezuma drainage in southeast Utah (see Figure 3.4). These spatial distributions are not mutually exclusive at a subregional level. For example, even though McElmo-Monument is largely characterized by concentrated clusters of community centers, regularly-spaced distributions are also present, such as in the Montezuma Valley between Ute Mountain and the Mesa Verde landform (see Figure 3.4). (2) (1) Figure 3.4: Distribution of community centers with a Pueblo III period component in the Northern San Juan region. (1) is the Montezuma Valley in southwest Colorado and (2) is the Montezuma drainage in southeast Utah.

65 51 Table 3.3: Density of Community Centers per km 2 calculated based on all 227 centers and the total area of each subregion (shading indicates discernable peak values). Totah Mesa Verde Proper McElmo-Monument A.D. No. Centers Centers per km 2 No. Centers Centers per km 2 No. Centers Centers per km Total Centers West Mesa Verde Lower San Juan* Northern San Juan A.D. No. Centers Centers per km 2 No. Centers Centers per km 2 No. Centers Centers per km Total Centers * There is no meaningful peak in the Lower San Juan region due to the small sample size. Differences in the overall spatial patterns in the intraregional distribution of centers appear to be linked to temporal variations in the peak occupation of each subregion. This patterning is evident on a regional scale where there is a regularly-spaced distribution of community centers in the Totah and West Mesa Verde, where population peaked in the early Pueblo III period. In McElmo-Monument and Mesa Verde Proper, where population peaks in the mid-to-late 1200s, the density of community centers was higher. Varien s (1999) research on

66 52 community centers in central Mesa Verde also shows this temporal trend in McElmo-Monument where the earliest community centers with a Pueblo III period component were initially dispersed and regularly-spaced. As later centers were constructed, community centers became increasingly concentrated (see Varien 1999: Figures 7.12 and 7.13). The greater proximity of centers in the McElmo-Monument and Mesa Verde Proper subregions would have promoted more face-to-face interactions between people living in different, but nearby centers, potentially leading to the need to negotiate territory or compete over resources (see also Varien et al. 2000). Thus, as a consequence of the increased concentration of centers, it is likely that the interpersonal relationships among people living in different centers changed because the reduced distances between centers would have structured interactions and affected socio-political organization. The average size of centers in each subregion can be used as a proxy for the relative proportion of people living in centers. Thus, increases and decreases in average size also inform on the timing of growth or noticeable emigration from community centers. Using only centers with room counts (n=158), the average size of community centers for each subregion was calculated by dividing the total number of the momentary room counts for all sites occupied in each period by the total number of sites occupied during that period. Table 3.4 shows the momentary room counts (taken from Table 3.2), the number of large sites, and the average size of community centers with a Pueblo III period component for each subregion. As can be seen from the Northern San Juan columns in Table 3.4, the number of community centers and their average size increased during the Pueblo III period. The greatest number of community centers was occupied from A.D , when they were also the largest.

67 53 Table 3.4: Average size of community centers through time based on momentary room counts and number of sites for each subregion (Shading indicates discernable peak values). Totah Mesa Verde Proper McElmo-Monument Mom. Room Count Av. Size (rmct) Mom. Room Count Av. Size (rmct) Mom. Room Count Av. Size (rmct) No. No. No. A.D. Sites Sites Sites Total Sites West Mesa Verde Lower San Juan* Northern San Juan Mom. Room Count Av. Size (rmct) Mom. Room Count Av. Size (rmct) Mom. Room Count Av. Size (rmct) No. No. No. A.D. Sites Sites Sites Total Sites * There is no meaningful peak in the Lower San Juan region due to the small sample size. Totah subregion. The density and average size of centers within the Totah appears to have been relatively stable throughout the Pueblo III period. However, it is likely that a different pattern could emerge if our understanding of the occupation spans for these sites were refined. During peak population, centers were smaller in this subregion than those in McElmo-Monument, Mesa Verde Proper, and West Mesa Verde. Totah centers were slightly more numerous and more densely distributed from A.D , than during the rest of the occupation (Tables 3.3, 3.4).

68 54 From A.D , the density of centers in the western Totah is centers per km 2, which is comparable to that in the McElmo-Monument during the same period (Table 3.3, Figure 3.5). Thus, community centers may have been most prominent early in the Pueblo III period, when there were nearly as many community centers in the Totah as there were in McElmo-Monument (Table 3.3). This inference seems plausible as population increased in the Totah when Aztec was established in the early 1100s (Brown et al. 2005; McKenna and Toll 1992:134). After A.D. 1260, the density of Totah centers gradually declined until the community centers were depopulated. Mesa Verde Proper subregion. Mesa Verde Proper has the highest density of centers in the region. The number of centers peaked from A.D , and community centers were larger than those in West Mesa Verde, the Totah, and the Lower San Juan (Tables 3.3, 3.4; Figures 3.5, 3.6). Centers on Mesa Verde Proper were largest from A.D , after which point there was a marked decrease in size. The marked decline in size and number of centers after A.D implies that the depopulation of Mesa Verde Proper was more rapid than in McElmo- Monument. McElmo-Monument subregion. From A.D until the end of the occupation, the McElmo-Monument subregion had both the largest-sized and greatest number of centers in the Northern San Juan (Table 3.4; Figures 3.5 and 3.6). As with Mesa Verde Proper, community center density in McElmo-Monument is among the highest in the region. Community centers were most prevalent in McElmo-Monument from A.D , and the density of centers began to decline from A.D , which was earlier than on Mesa Verde Proper (Table 3.3). However, McElmo-Monument still appears to have had the highest population levels at the end of

69 55 60 Number of Community Centers A.D. A.D Totah McElmo-Monument Lower San Juan Mesa Verde Proper West Mesa Verde Figure 3.5: Number of community centers through time by subregion. The points represent the interval, not a specific date. Average Momentary Room Count A.D. A.D Totah Mesa Verde Proper McElmo-Monument West Mesa Verde Lower San Juan Figure 3.6: The average size of community centers based on momentary room count through time by subregion. The points represent the interval, not a specific date.

70 56 the occupation (Figure 3.4). It also appears as if aggregation into centers may have preceded the depopulation of the subregion because the average size of McElmo-Monument centers remained stable into A.D. 1280, while the number of centers declined (see also Varien et al. 2004). West Mesa Verde subregion. The density of centers in the West Mesa Verde subregion peaked by A.D. 1200, which was earlier than in McElmo-Monument and Mesa Verde Proper (Table 3.3). At this time, there were nearly as many centers in West Mesa Verde as in McElmo- Monument, and they were also about the same size (Table 3.4; Figures 3.5 and 3.6). After A.D. 1240, the number of centers in West Mesa Verde declined while there was a notable increase in the average size of centers. The momentary room counts at the time centers were vacated show that relatively small centers with an average of 18 rooms were abandoned in the 1220s, and larger centers with an average of 60 rooms were depopulated between A.D and Thus, it appears that in this subregion, small-sized centers may have been among the first to be depopulated in the early 1200s, and that many of the people remaining in West Mesa Verde after the emigrations of the 1240s appear to have aggregated into community centers (Figure 3.6). Lower San Juan subregion. With the fewest community centers in the region, the Lower San Juan subregion did not have a discernable peak in number of centers or average size (Table 3.3; Figure 3.6). These data do not provide much information, except that centers in the Lower San Juan were clearly smaller than those in the rest of the region (Figure 3.7). Because a higher proportion of the Lower San Juan population was living in small sites (Lipe 1970; Matson et al. 1988), it is also not clear from these data when people began emigrating in noticeable numbers. However, based on a decrease in the number of tree-ring dates, Lipe (1995:146) suggests people began leaving the Lower San Juan by A.D Given the timing of marked emigration from West Mesa Verde, it is also possible that large groups of people were leaving the Lower San Juan prior to A.D

71 57 Summarizing Community Center Trends in the Northern San Juan Although community centers were found throughout the region, it appears that during the mid-to-late 1200s, the McElmo-Monument and Mesa Verde Proper subregions were key locations in the Northern San Juan. These two subregions have the highest density of community centers, and the largest centers in the region (Tables 3.3, 3.4). In fact, this was true for the McElmo-Monument subregion for the entire Pueblo III period (see Table 3.3; Figures 3.4 and 3.5; see also Lipe and Ortman 2000; Varien 1999; Varien et al. 2004). Beginning in the 1220s, there appears to have been a social preference for living in community centers in McElmo- Monument and Mesa Verde Proper. In the rest of the region, community centers appear to have structured settlement pattern differently. Although less densely concentrated, community centers in West Mesa Verde were roughly the same size as those in McElmo-Monument at A.D However, unlike in McElmo-Monument, after A.D. 1200, the number of centers decreased as people began to emigrate from West Mesa Verde. Although there were community centers occupied after A.D. 1240, very few new centers were constructed and they did not dominate the social landscape as they did in McElmo-Monument and Mesa Verde Proper at this time. Further west, in the Lower San Juan, community centers were also not as central to settlement trends as they were in the rest of the region. Thus, it seems the occupation of community centers in the western subregions involved different social dynamics than those in the east. Community centers in the Totah also appear to have structured settlement differently than those in McElmo-Monument and Mesa Verde Proper because they appear to have been most prominent in the early Pueblo III period; whereas, centers were more prominent in McElmo-Monument and Mesa Verde Proper by the mid-to-late 1200s.

72 58 Community center organization in McElmo-Monument and Mesa Verde Proper became a central element shaping the social landscape of the Northern San Juan in the 1200s. As population increased in these subregions, community centers also became increasingly dominant as approximately 70% of the population was living in large sites rather than small sites by the mid- 1200s (Varien et al. 2004; Wilshusen 2002:118). The high density of community centers in these subregions also suggests that interactions among people living in different, nearby centers may have intensified in ways that differed from interactions among dispersed centers in other subregions. Subregional Distribution of Public Architecture in the Northern San Juan Aspects of the domestic and civic affairs of a society are expressed in the types of architecture that are constructed. In this section, I examine the distribution of public architecture in each subregion from A.D , using data from the Northern San Juan Pueblo III Period Habitation site database. 5 I use the term public architecture to refer to structures that were constructed for public purposes (after Lipe 2002: ). Thus, multi-walled structures, towers, and enclosing walls are considered public architecture, in addition to great kivas and plazas, because the use of these structures had an effect on community interactions. Each of these types of public architecture informs on different aspects of social interaction, as great kivas and plazas encourage large-scale gatherings and multi-walled structures, towers, and enclosing walls restrict and regulate access. The expectation for this analysis is that comparable distributions of the same types of public architecture indicate participation in the same or related social, ritual, and political practices. This outcome does not mean that the subregions were necessarily also socially and

73 59 politically integrated because subregions could have very similar distributions of public architecture, but be strongly differentiated socially. Conversely, different types of public architecture in each subregion indicate variation in social, political, and ritual practices across the region. This outcome would indicate that the subregions were organizationally different, but were likely part of the same social sphere. The following discussion is an extension of the community center discussion above because public architecture was constructed at most of these sites. Towers, however, were present at both large and small sites. Communal Architecture from A.D Communal architecture is a subdivision of public architecture that creates central gathering places for groups of people. From A.D , two forms of communal architecture, great kivas and plazas, were used in the Northern San Juan. As locations of group assembly, ritual activities taking place in great kivas and plazas not only fostered intracommunity cooperation (Adler 1990; Hegmon 1989; Herr 1994; Vivian and Reiter 1965; Van Dyke 2002), but also provided an arena for social and political competition, emphasizing social inequality (Blinman 1989; Potter 2000: ; Schachner 2001; Van Keuren 2006). As such, these structures were important social loci that played a key role in community organization and interaction. Great Kivas. Great kivas were most common in the Northern San Juan from A.D (Lipe and Ortman 2000:112). They are large, semi-subterranean circular structures that were often roofed, and had a diameter ranging from meters (Herr 1994). Although great kivas persisted into the Pueblo III period, by the end of the 1200s, there were changes in how they were used. For example, their frequency declined, and, in some instances, they were modified when

74 60 their roofs were removed in the late 1200s (e.g., Sand Canyon and Goodman Point pueblos; see Churchill et al. 1998; Lipe 1989; Lipe and Ortman 2000:112). The chronological resolution associated with the construction and use of great kivas is generally poor. Consequently, the data presented here represent the number of great kivas at sites that had a Pueblo III period component even if the great kiva could not be definitively associated with that component. Great kivas that could be clearly associated with pre-1150 contexts were excluded from the database. Overall, the density of centers with great kivas is relatively similar in all subregions of the Northern San Juan (Table 3.5; Figure 3.7). The highest percentage of centers with great kivas was in the Totah (43%) and West Mesa Verde (44%) where there was a strong, early Pueblo III occupation (Table 3.5). In McElmo-Monument and Mesa Verde Proper, where populations peaked later in the 1200s, the density of plazas is higher than great kivas. This trend suggests there was a greater emphasis on using great kivas in the late 1100s and early 1200s, than in the late 1200s. Figure 3.7: Distribution of great kivas located at sites with a Pueblo III period component in the Northern San Juan region.

75 61 Table 3.5: Number of community centers with public architecture by subregion (D=density of public architecture per km 2 ). Community Centers Totah Mesa Verde Proper McElmo- Monument West Mesa Verde Lower San Juan N % D N % D N % D N % D N % D Centers with Public Arch Great Kivas Plazas Multi-walled Total Bi-, Tri- Dshaped Towers Enclosing Walls ** * data incomplete ** Only recorded retaining walls on site forms Plazas. Plazas became increasingly common in the late Pueblo III period, especially at canyon-rim pueblos (Lipe and Ortman 2000: ). In the Northern San Juan, plazas were quite variable in size, shape, and location within the pueblo, but were typically identified as flat areas, often bounded by enclosing walls or natural features such as boulders and canyon walls (Lipe and Ortman 2000:111). The most formal plazas in the region are on Mesa Verde Proper at Long House and New Fire Temple (Cassidy 1965; Cattanach 1980). Both of these plazas are open, rectangular spaces bounded by enclosing walls, several rooms, and exposed bedrock that date to the mid-to-late 1200s. 6 Although previous accounts described these features as great kivas based on the large fire pits and floor vaults, they have more in common with plazas than great kivas given their open access and their rectangular shape. Plazas are present at community centers in all of the subregions and their distribution is shown in Figure 3.8. The highest density of plazas is found in McElmo-Monument and Mesa Verde Proper, and there is a relatively low density in the rest of the subregions (Table 3.5). Overall, plazas are most common in the McElmo- Monument subregion where they are present in over half of the community centers.

76 62 Thus, these results indicate there was a change in communal architecture and by inference, associated ritual practices in the mid-to-late 1200s. Because plazas are open spaces and great kivas are roofed structures, the transition from great kivas to plazas suggests a move toward more inclusive rituals and gatherings. This trend is further underscored by the removal of great kiva roofs that also took place at this time (Churchill et al. 1998; Lipe 1989; Lipe and Ortman 2000:112). Plazas do not appear to have replaced great kivas, as great kivas are present at late sites built in the mid-1200s, such as Sand Canyon Pueblo. However, plazas do become more common by the end of regional occupation. The transition to an open plaza for group assembly in the mid-1200s appears to have marked the beginning of a broader ritual transformation across the Colorado Plateau (Adams 1991; Bernardini 1998). Figure 3.8: Distribution of plazas at sites with a Pueblo III Period component in the Northern San Juan.

77 63 Exclusionary and Restrictive Architecture from A.D Some types of public architecture are exclusionary and restrictive in that they either create boundaries or they can only be used by a small segment of the community. In the case of the latter, the activities that take place in these structures may affect the entire community even though not everyone has the same access to them. These types of architecture are indications of differences and possibly social inequalities and differential access to power and knowledge. Multi-walled structures. Multi-walled structures were constructed at large sites with increased frequency in the early 1200s (Churchill et al. 1998; Lipe and Ortman 2000: ; Varien et al. 1996:99). They are distinctive architectural features with circular or semi-circular (D-shaped) concentric masonry walls that form either a single or double row of rooms bi-wall or tri-wall and often enclose kivas (Figure 3.9; Vivian 1959:85). These types of structures are found in the Totah (e.g., the Hubbard site; Vivian 1959), in McElmo-Monument (e.g., Mud Springs, Yucca House, and Yellow Jacket Pueblo; Reed 1958; Vivian 1959), and on Mesa Verde Proper (e.g., Sun Temple; Fewkes 1916). Multi-walled structures are believed to be domestic and ceremonial constructions where restricted rituals and activities for key people or segments of the village or community were carried out (Lipe and Ortman 2000:111; Reyman 1985; Vivian 1959:85). They may have also been a residence for one or two households that held important status within the community because both domestic and ritual items have been recovered from these structures during excavation (Lipe and Ortman 2000: ; Vivian 1959:85-86). For example, test excavations in kivas associated with D-shaped structures at Sand Canyon Pueblo and Hedley Main Ruin documented mealing bins, extended floor vaults, cooking pots, and ritual taxa such as wild birds including falcons, eagles, and hawks (Lipe and Ortman 2000: ; Muir and Driver 2002).

78 64 Hubbard Tri-wall Great Tower Complex Bi-wall Sun Temple (D-shape) Figure 3.9: Examples of multi-walled structure layouts found in the Northern San Juan region. Figure 3.10: Distribution of multi-walled structures at sites with a Pueblo III component in the Northern San Juan region. The half-circle symbols indicate D-shaped structures; the circles represent circular bi-structures; and the triangles represent circular tri-walled structures.