Spatial Patterning in Northern San Juan Villages, a.d

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1 KIVA Journal of Southwestern Anthropology and History ISSN: (Print) (Online) Journal homepage: Spatial Patterning in Northern San Juan Villages, a.d William D. Lipe & Scott G. Ortman To cite this article: William D. Lipe & Scott G. Ortman (2000) Spatial Patterning in Northern San Juan Villages, a.d , KIVA, 66:1, , DOI: / To link to this article: Published online: 25 Jul Submit your article to this journal Article views: 1 View related articles Citing articles: 10 View citing articles Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at Download by: [University of Colorado at Boulder Libraries] Date: 20 September 2016, At: 12:58

2 KIVA, Vol. 66, No. 1, 2000 SPATIAL PATTERNING IN NORTHERN SAN JUAN VILLAGES, A.D WILLIAM D. LIPE Department of Anthropology Washington State University Pullman, WA SCOTT G. ORTMAN Crow Canyon Archaeological Center 23390C.R. K Cortez, CO ABSTRACT Detailed maps ofpuebloan village sites were made photogrammetrically from aerial photos; wall lines and other details were added by field survey. These maps were used to document three successive community center types, dating from late Pueblo II (A.o ) through Pueblo III ( ). The maps were also analyzed, in conjunction with other relevant survey and excavation data, to define patterns of village layout and architecture in late Pueblo III. These villages represent highly aggregated communities that are built on canyon rims and talus; enclose or are close to a good spring; are usually divided into two unequal parts by a drainage or other natural feature; and typically have low walls enclosing the village or a precinct within it. One area of the village usually displays a concentration of public architecture, including a D-shaped multiwalled structure, towers, and a plaza. RESUMEN Los mapas detellados de sitios de aldeas puebloanos jueron hechos por fotogramas de jotas aereos; lineas de paredes y otros detalles fueron aumentados por medicion del campo. Estos mapas fueron usados para documentar a tres tipos sucesivos de centra de comunidad,fechando de Pue bio II tarde (de. /050-/ /50) por Puebla 1Il (d.c. 1 /50-/300). Estos mapasjueron analizados, en conjuncion con otros datas de medicion y excavacion pertinentes, para definir muestras de disposicion de a/dea y arquitectura en Pue bio III tarde. Estas alde as se representan a comunidades a/tas conjuntadas construidas en los bordes de caflones y en el talud; rodea o son cerca de un manantial bueno; son normalmente divisdas en dos partes designuales por un desagüe o otrasjiguras naturales; y tipico tienen paredes bajas rodeandas a la a/dea o recinto adentro. Una area de la a/dea se muestra normalmente a una concentracion de arquitectura pub/ica, incluye a una es truc tura en la forma D, torres, y una plaza. This article reports on patterns of architecture and site layout for Puebloan village sites dating from approximately A.D to 1300 (late Pueblo II and Pueblo III periods) in the central part of the Mesa Verde culture area in the North-

3 92 LIPE AND ORTMAN em San Juan region. We examine a mode! of temporal change in community center types (Adler and Varien 1994; Lipe and Bradley 1986; Varien 1999a; Varien et al. 1996) and spatial patteming of residential and public architecture at villages dating to the late Pueblo III period. Data are primarily from detailed maps prepared as part of the Village Mapping Project (VMP) and the Sand Canyon Archaeological Project (SCAP; Lipe 1992; Varien 1999a, 1999b ), both conducted by the Crow Canyon Archaeological Center (CCAC). The chronological assignment of sites depends upon an attribute-based seriation of surface pottery assemblages (Table 1; see also Hegmon 1991; Kelley 1996; Ortman 1995) and tree-ring dates from both surface contexts and excavations. Also referenced in this article are lower-resolution data on site layouts and architecture from additional village sites (Kelley 1996; Lipe and Varien 1999a, 1999b; Varien 1999a; Varien et al. 1996). Our results demonstrate that high-resolution surface mapping, coup led with adequate chronological control, can produce useful information about community patterns at relatively low expense and with little impact on the in situ archaeological record, provide a context for interpreting data from limited excavations, and help focus future research, including excavation. A village is defined as a site with more than 50 contemporaneous structures in proximity to one another; such sites ordinarily were occupied by 10 or more households and many include public architecture or other structures suggesting that they served as community centers. More than 130 such villages are currently known for Pueblo II and Pueblo III in southwestem Colorado and southeastem Utah (Lipe and Varien 1999a, 1999b; Varien 1999a; Varien et al. 1996). These large sites are highly visible and therefore likely to have been recorded. Historical data show that most have resisted obliteration by vandalism, farming, or other types of landscape modification. Hence, the current sample may represent a majority of the large Pueblo II-III sites that not only still exist but that ever existed in the region. Village sites can serve as proxies for the locations ofpueblo communities, at!east in the central Mesa Verde region (from Mesa Verde proper on the east to roughly Cotton wood Wash in southeastem Utah). In late Pueblo II (A.D ), large sites were nuclei for residentially dispersed communities. Seulement aggregation increased through Pueblo III ( ). However, in the far western portions of the Northem San Juan-i.e., from Comb Wash to the Colorado River-<:ommunities remained quite dispersed through late Pueblo III. Pueblo community and settlement patteming bas been investigated by the CCAC since From 1983 to 1993, the SCAP investigated the Pueblo II-III occupation of the Sand Canyon locality west of Cortez, Colorado (Lipe 1992). Portions oftwo large Pueblo III sites-sand Canyon Pueblo (Bradley 1992, 1993, 1996) and Castle Rock Pueblo (Kleidon 1999)- were excavated, and Goodman Point Pueblo was mapped (Adler 1990). Test excavations were conducted at 13 small Pueblo II and Pueblo III sites (Huber and Lipe 1992; Varien 1999b ). Out-

4 Round Flat Rim Rim Thickness >6mm tl -is" - "tl - - 5"... ::s \0 w Table 1. Bowl Rim Sherd Attribute Data from Surve:ted Sites (Page 1 of 2). 1 Settlement Fig.J No. of Ext. Ext. Rim Site Name 2 Type Label Sherds Corrug. Paint Li ne Lancaster Block 900 Chaco-era great house Bass Block 1000 Unitpueblo Bass Block Il 00 Unitpueblo Bass Block 101 Unit pueblo Bass Block 802 Unitpueblo Bass Block 801 Unitpueblo JO Bass Block 1300 Unitpueblo Bass Block 400 Post-Chaco great house Bass Block 600 Multi-kiva roomblock Bass Block 102 Unit pueblo MTI541 Multi-kiva roomblock Bass Block 500 Multi-kiva roomblock Bass Block 300 Multi-kiva roomblock Roy's Ruin (1223vv) Unitpueblo MT4700 Multi-kiva roomblock Elabora te Elabora te Rim Ticking Rim. Framing Decoration' Pattern

5 Flat Tbickness Rim >6mm l' -'"tl ttl > z 0 0 ël z Table 1. Bowl Rim Sherd Attribute Data from Surve:ted Sites (Page 2 of 2). 1 Round Rim Site Name 1 Elabora te Elabora te Settlement Fig.J No. of Ext. Ext Ri rn Rim Rim Framing Type Label Sberds Corrug. Paint Li ne Tic king Decoration 3 Pattern 5MTI647 Canyon-rim pueblo Seven Towers Pueblo Canyon-rim pueblo Sand Canyon Block Canyon-rim 1200 (1265+RB) pueblo! Assemblages in chronological order from earl y to late based on first axis score of a correspondence analysis of these data. Decimal data are percent of rims on which presence/absence of attribute could be determined. 2 Number in parentheses is the latest tree-ring date from the site, if available. 1 Includes pattemed ticks with gaps, multiple-size ticks, Xs and zigzags. Elaborations on the standard thick-thin frarning pattern, including "musical notes" and elaborated framing!ines. 5 Measured 2 cm below the rim.

6 Spatial Patterning in Northern San Juan Villages 95 side the Sand Canyon locality, CCAC archaeologists tested three large Pueblo III villages: Woods Canyon Pueblo (Churchill 1996), Yellow Jacket Pueblo (Kuckelman 1997), and the Hedley Site Complex (Ortman et al., this issue; Ortman and Wilshusen 1996). Archaeologists from CCAC have also compiled information about large sites throughout the Northern San Juan region, using existing site reports, information from colleagues, and site visits (Kelley 1996; Kenzle 1997; Lipe and Varien 1999a, 1999b; V arien 1999a; V arien et al. 1996). ln 1993, the VMP was initiated to obtain additional detailed surficial information about Pueblo Il-III villages outside the Sand Canyon locality (Figure 1).'-2 Sites analyzed in detail for this article include six mapped for the VMP-Albert Porter Pueblo (Figure 2); Bass Site Complex (Figure 3); Seven Towers Pueblo (Figure 4); Cannonball Ruins (Figure 5); Woods Canyon Pueblo (Ortman et al., this issue), and Hedley Main Ruin (Ortman et al., this issue}-as weil as three mapped by the SCAP (Sand Canyon, Castle Rock, and Goodman Point Pueblos). COMMUNITY CENTER SUCCESSION MO DEL Before proceeding to a discussion of the model, we must define key terms. Following Murdock (1949:79), a community refers to "the maximal group ofpersons who normally reside together in face-to-face association." Archaeologically, communities of more or Jess egalitarian horticulturalists can be recognized as spatial clusters of residences that range from aggregated residential villages to very dispersed, poorly bounded groups of homesteads or ham lets. Primary "face-toface" communities of this sort can range from 50 to a maximum of around 1,500 individuals (Adler and Varien 1994; Varien 1999a: 144). They are held together by co-residence, kinship relations, ceremonies-many of them public-and by leaders, who often gain political influence through ceremonial and/or economie roles (Johnson and Earle 1987: 158). Evidence of community integrative activities may be observed archaeologically if they result in construction of the kinds of facilities commonly called public architecture (Flannery and Marcus 1976). ln the Pueblo Southwest, this label is often applied to great kivas, great bouses, and plazas, and sometimes to other types of structures. Whether ali were truly public in the sense ofbeing open to ali members of the community is debatable, but they were highly visible and formally different from the ordinary household residences. Bradley (1996:246) bas suggested the alternative label "civic architecture." Crossculturally, bouses of community leaders are also likely to be architecturally differentiated from ordinary residences, unless a community ethic of egalitarianism preeludes such overt status displays.

7 Figure 1. Sites investigated by the Village Mapping Project and the Sand Canyon Archaeological Project. Courtesy of Crow Canyon Archaeological Center. \0 0\ r-' -""C trl 0 0

8 Spatial Patterning in Northern San Juan Villages 97 Figure 2. Plan view of Albert Porter Pueblo, a probable late Pueblo Il great house. Courtesy of Crow Canyon Archaeological Center.

9 98 LIPE AND ORTMAN Figure 3. Plan view of Bass Site Complex. Numerals indicate chronological order of midden areas and associated architectural blocks based on seriation in Table 1. Courtesy of Crow Canyon Archaeological Center.

10 Spatial Patterning in Northern San Juan Villages 99 = 0 :c Q) ::::1 Il..2!..!!! m ë :c Q) ::::1 Il ;.2! Q) c:: - Q) >u c::-..!!1 Il. - Cl 0 0 Cl) Q) "' m ::::1 C)CJ -... LL.<{

11 Figure 5. Plan view of Cannonball Ruins, a late Pueblo Ill canyon-rim village. The southem portion was excavated by Morley (1908). Courtesy of Crow Canyon Archaeological Center. _. 0 0 t""' -'"tl tt1 0 0

12 Spatial Patterning in Northern San Juan Villages 101 The community center succession mode! (Adler and Varien 1994; Lipe and Bradley 1986; Varien et al. 1996; Varien 1999a; also see Kidder 1962: ) proposes three overlapping stages of community center development for the central Mesa Verde region from late Pueblo II through Pueblo III. In Stage 1, during late Pueblo II (A.D ), communities are manifested archaeologically as loose clusters of residences dispersed over severa! square kilometers of arable land, usually in upland settings, occasionally in broad alluvial valleys. The basic habitation unit (Bullard 1962: 101 ), probably occupied by a single household, is the Prudden unit-type pueblo (Prudden 1903), consisting of a pit structure (kiva) and a small associated block of surface living and storage rooms. These units occur singly or are occasionally joined side-by-side in small multiple-unit roomblocks. The kiva in most cases appears to have served as an important residential and domestic space for a household as weil as the locus of ritual features that probably functioned primarily at the household leve!. Habitation units of this sort appeared in the Pueblo I period ( ) and were a standard feature of Mesa Verde area settlements through the end ofpueblo III (Bullard 1962; Lekson 1988; Varien and Lightfoot 1989; Lipe 1989). Dispersed late Pueblo II communities often had as a central feature a great kiva and/or a Chacoan-style great bouse. There was a tendency for sorne clustering of habitation units in the vicinity of the central structure(s). The great bouses often bad commanding views of the surrounding countryside and oftopographic features on the horizon. In Stage 2, during early Pueblo III (A.D ) the first type ofcommunity center gave way to one characterized by closely spaced linear roomblocks, each containing severa! habitation units composed of a ki va and associated surface rooms. Most such villages are located on or close to arable soil, and are primarily in upland areas or large valleys. Although aggregation was greater than previously, the community center was surrounded by a dispersed pattern of smaller contemporaneous single- or multiple-household homesteads and hamlets. In sorne cases, the nuclear village appears to have aggregated around an earlier Chacoanstyle great bouse, and in others, the residential aggregation surrounded what may have been a later type of great ho use. Finally, in Stage 3, during late Pueblo III (A.D ), communities increasingly became residentially aggregated. During this phase many villages included most of the community's households (Adler and Varien 1994; Varien et al. 1996; Varien 1999a), though sorne communities remained relatively dispersed (Mahoney et al., this issue). Village locations shifted from upland and broad valley settings to canyon-rim locations. Severa! distinctive types and arrangements of public architecture were present, as discussed below. Although these villages were not built on arable soils, in most cases suitable farmlands were only a few hundred meters away. A number of communities appear to have maintained the

13 102 LIPE AND ORTMAN same general location, domestic water supply, and agriculturallands over a period of 150 to 250 years while their centers underwent the shifts in aggregation and location that have been noted (Varien 1999a). Woods Canyon Locality Community Centers Data from the VMP can be used to apply this model to three sites in the Woods Canyon locality (Figure 1), north ofyellow Jacket Canyon. Albert Porter Pueblo, the Bass Site Complex, and Woods Canyon Pueblo were mapped, and the latter site was also tested (Blomster and Churchill 1996; Churchill 1996; Varien et al. 1995). These three sites appear to represent an overlapping temporal sequence of community centers, conforming to the mode! described above. An attributebased seriation of pottery from these and other sites supports this chronology (Table 1; Hegmon 1991; Kelley 1996; Ortman 1995). Stage 1 of the mode! is represented by the main structure at Albert Porter Pueblo (Figure 2), which has the architectural characteristics of a smalllate Pueblo II Chacoan-style great house (Lipe 1999a). Located on a divide, it commands a large view. Portions of the structure have two stories, and severa! ki vas are fully enclosed in the roomblock, as is typical ofchacoan outliers (Marshall et al. 1979). The smaller roomblocks (Figure 2) may or may not have been contemporaneous. In particular, the two-kiva units with prominent rubble mounds are architecturally more typical of small early Pueblo III habitations (Varien 1999b). During the VMP, a heavy grass cover prevented collection of rim sherds for chronological analysis. In subsequent visits, when more surface was exposed, observed sherds indicated light Basketmaker III or Pueblo 1 use, and heavier occupation in late Pueblo II and early Pueblo III. The temporal placement of the main structure at Albert Porter Pueblo is thus somewhat problematic. Elsewhere in southwestem Colorado, however, tree-ring dates from Chacoan-style great houses (Wallace, Lowry, Escalante) indicate that they were constructed in the late Pueblo II period (Bradley 1988; Hallasi 1979; Martin 1936; Robinson and Harrill 1974). Also, surface sherds associated with a probable great house at Lancaster Ruin are stylistically consistent with a late Pueblo II placement and fall earlier than any of the Bass Complex components in an attribute-based seriation (Table 1 ). The Bass Site Complex (Figure 3) represents Stage 2. It appears to have become the center of the Woods Canyon cornrnunity in early Pueblo III (Lipe 1999b ). Seriation of rim sherd assemblages from its severa! roomblock units (Table 1, Figure 3) indicates that settlement began with single-kiva unit pueblos scattered across the mesa top (not ali are shown in Figure 3). The community center for these early residences may have been Albert Porter Pueblo, located about 2.3 km east-northeast. Next in the seriation is the trash assemblage associated with Roomblock 400, a multiple-story structure with towers and blocked-in ki vas (No. 2 in Figure 3), which may represent an early Pueblo III "post-chacoan" great

14 Spatial Patterning in Northern San Juan Villages 103 bouse (after Kintigh 1994; Kintigh et al. 1996). lts construction perhaps marked the move of the community center from Albert Porter Pueblo to the Bass location. Severa! roomblocks surrounding this multi-story structure were built with respect to it and therefore must be somewhat later, a sequence also indicated by the seriatian results. Evidence from the Bass Complex thus indicates a graduai aggregation of population around the multi-story structure, primarily in early Pueblo III. Unit pueblos continued to be built and occupied outside the central nucleus, indicating that residential aggregation did not in volve the who le community but rather a core group. Survey data from the area surrounding the Bass complex are inadequate to determine the full extent ofthe dispersed aspect of the community, but, as noted above, a few households may have continued to reside at the Albert Porter site during the main (early Pueblo III) occupation at the Bass Site Complex. Stage 3 of community center development is represented by the growth of Woods Canyon Pueblo (Lipe 1999d; Ortman et al., this issue), a large village on the canyon rim 1.5 km east-southeast of Bass and 2 km south-southwest ofporter. Both surface pottery seriation (Kelley 1996) and test excavations indicate that the Woods Canyon Pueblo occupation peaked in late Pueblo III. However, it began in early Pueblo III, while the community's nucleus was still at Bass (Ortman et al., this issue). VMP Data from Other Localities Other sites mapped during the VMP also provide evidence regarding community center succession. 5MT4700 is a large hamlet (6 kivas and approximately 30 total structures) on the mesa south of Woods Canyon (Lipe 1999e ). A shallow depression north of the roomblock possibly represents a great kiva but may be a borrow pit or other feature. Rim sherds indicate an occupation predominantly in the first half of the A.D. 1200s, roughly contemporaneous with the main occupation at Bass and/or the early stages of aggregation at Woods Canyon Pueblo (Table 1). Regional survey coverage is inadequate to judge whether 5MT4700 should be considered part of the Woods Canyon community. lt could be associated with this community, or might be a small post-chacoan great ho use that was the nucleus for a different community located just south of Woods Canyon. Yellow Jacket Pueblo (Kuckelman 1997) is a very large site(> 190 ki vas, >40 roomblocks) locatedjust above the point where Yellow Jacket Canyon entrenches. It is both a mesa-top and a canyon-oriented site. Near its northem edge is a probable late Pueblo II Chacoan-style great ho use, typical of Stage 1 community centers. The main part of the site has numerous linear, multi-kiva roomblocks, characteristic of Stage 2 centers, and the southem and eastern edges have canyon-rim structures, typical of Stage 3. As discussed by Kuckelman ( 1997) and Ortman et al. (this issue), the heaviest occupation appears to have been in ear1y Pueblo III, but there is a1so evidence of extensive late Pueblo II and late Pueblo III settle-

15 104 LIPE AND ORTMAN ment. The Hedley Site Complex also had a lengthy occupation, with a sequence of settlement types and locations inside its boundaries that corresponds to the three stages of the community center model (Ortman et al., this issue). Finally, ali the canyon-rim villages mapped by the VMP and SCAP appear to have had their main occupations in middle and late Pueblo III, as predicted by the mode!. LATE PUEBLO III VILLAGE LAYOUT AND ARCHITECTURE Late Pueblo III canyon-rim villages have been recognized as a distinctive settlement type by numerous researchers over the years ( e.g., Fewkes 1919; Kenzle 1997; Kidder 1962; Morley 1908; Kelley 1996; Varien et al. 1996; Wilshusen et al. 1997; Varien 1999a). A recurring suite of architectural features at these villages indicates that the builders were employing a common language of architectural forms in relation to site plan and setting. On the other hand, each village con tains a unique in v en tory and arrangement of features, indicating that the "statements" made by each community using this language were somewhat free to vary. To explore spatial and architectural patteming at tate canyon-rim villages, we rely primarily on data from seven sites. These sites may not be a representative sample of late Pueblo III villages, but they do exemplify the canyon-rim village settlement type in the central Mesa Verde region. Four were intensively mapped by the VMP-Seven Towers Pueblo (Figure 4), Cannonball Ruin (Figure 5), Woods Canyon Pueblo (Ortman et al., this issue), and Hedley Main Ruin (Ortman et al., this issue)-and three others as part ofthe SCAP (Sand Canyon, Castle Rock, and Goodman Point Pueblos). There are tree-ring dates from four of the seven villages, and these indicate that construction continued as tate as the A.o. 1260s and 1270s. Ali seven display architectural features, such as enclosing walls and D shaped buildings, that are absent from earlier community centers, and five are known to contain pottery with design attributes-e.g., band designs on the exteriors of serving bowls-that are rare prior to A.D (Ortman et al., this issue). Although sorne had lengthy histories, ail reached a population peak between about 1240 and Principal site characteristics are summarized in Table 2. Kelley ( 1996) and Kenzle ( 1993, 1997) analyzed additional canyon-rim villages at a lower levet of mapping resolution. As recognized by Rohn ( 1965, 1977) and others, the major late Pueblo III cliff dwellings of the Mesa Verde also functioned as community centers and are similar in many respects to the large open sites discussed here. Village Layout Patterns Canyon Orientation At long-lived, spatially extensive sites such as Yellow Jacket Pueblo and the Hedley Complex, the late Pueblo III component is typically associated with the canyon rim, white earlier components have more variable locations, with most

16 Le ft 14 1 y es y es y es multi-wall Village diversion tl Goodman Point Pueblo iii Right 72 4 y es y es Village drain - D-shape w/ 1 Village? kiva, tower Village, D-shape w/ 1 rirnrock :s ki va :::::: complex 5" -0 Ul Table 2. Architectural Data from Late Pueblo Ill Can:ton-Rim Villages (Page 1 of 2). Sideof Ki va- Room- Multi- Watcr- Drainage, No. of No. of Great Enclosing Site Dominated Dominated Plaza Wall Control Loo king Kivas Towers Ki va Walls Block block Structure Features Upstream D-shape w/ Reservoir Le ft 58 6 y es y es y es y es Village Sand Canyon Pueblo 2 kivas u11stream Right 35 6 Village tl Reservoir -is" Circular upstream, w/4 kivas channels in - Hedley Main Ruin Le ft 67 1 Right 19 y es Plaza areas y es onl Reservoir s. yes ( earlier D-shape w/ Plaza areas near earlier y es great ho use) 2 kivas only adjacent viii e Seven Towers Pueblo Le ft 18 9 y es yes? Right 26 7 y es y es

17 D-shape, Le ft 25 7 y es mesa-top Cannonball Ruins assoc. kiva Reservoir upstream Table 2. Architectural Data from Late Pueblo Ill Can:r-on-Rim Villages (Page 2 of 2). 0 Sideof 0'\ Ki va- Room- Multi- Water- Drainage, No. of No. of Great Enclosing Site Dominated Dominated Plaza Wall Control Loo king Kivas Towers Ki va Walls Block block Structure Features Upstream Main Ri t 7 1 unit onl Reservoir Woods Canyon Pueblo (excluding Canyon Bottom) Castle Rock Pueblo Le ft draina e t""' tower onl 12 2 upstream, check dams in Right 20 7 y es D-shape, assoc. kiva, Rimrock complex -., m > North 5 3 y es D-shape w/ 1 ki va Village Check dams in drainages z 0 South Il y es Village 0 z

18 Spatial Patterning in Northern San Juan Villages 107 being located away from the canyon or canyon head. Late Pueblo III villages built in the open usually include structures on the canyon rim, at the base of the frrst cliff, and on the talus below it. Ifnatural shelters are present, structures are usually built in them. At none of our seven sites are most of a village 's structures located in a natural shelter, as is seen in the Mesa Verde cliff dwellings. One of the seven sites (Castle Rock) was built on and around a small butte, rather than on a canyon rim. Severa) other late Pueblo III villages in the central Mesa Verde region were built on and around low bluffs or buttes in canyon bottoms, rather than on the rim and talus. Association with Springs Most late Pueblo III canyon-rim villages are associated with a good spring. Kelley (1996:Table 5.1) finds that 11 of 19 such villages have springs within the site. In our sample, Goodman Point, Hedley Main, and Cannonball enclose major springs; at Woods Canyon, large springs occur in the canyon bottom below the site, and Seven Towers and Sand Canyon Pueblos surround canyon-head seeps that support water-loving vegetation and may have flowed more strongly in the past. Only Castle Rock Jacks a nearby spring, but McElmo Creek is approximately 250 rn to the south. Five of the seven villages have a nearby reservoir, and three have evidence ofnearby check dams or other water-management structures. Construction of reservoirs and check dams began in Pueblo II (Bretemitz 1999; Smith and Zubrow 1999), and in sorne cases such features associated with Pueblo III canyon-rim villages may have served earlier community centers as weil (Wilshusen et al. 1997). Enclosing Walls Ali seven sites have low enclosing walls, originally 1 to 2 rn high, that surround most of the village and/or that demarcate a particular part of the siteusually a portion ofrimrock having public architecture. The Rirn Complex at Woods Canyon Pueblo is the clearest example of this latter pattern (Ortman et al. and co ver art, this issue). At Seven Towers Pueblo (Figure 4 ), a wall encloses much of the village but cannot be traced across the drainage at its lower edge; this is cornmon at Pueblo III canyon-rim sites. Present evidence does not tell us whether the enclosure was incomplete or if erosion bas obscured wall traces on the lower slopes. Kenzle (1993, 1997) proposes that enclosing walls functioned as sociophysical boundaries, helping regulate access to ali or part of a village, and that at!east sorne were also defensive. In a study of early and late Pueblo III sites, she finds a statistically significant "tendency for walled sites to be associated with defensible locations whereas unwalled pueblos are associated with Jess defensible locations" (Kenzle 1997:203). In his study of late Pueblo III sites (with highly variable levels of mapping and recording), Kelley ( 1996: 1 09) fmds that 13 of 20 have evidence of site or sector enclosing walls.

19 108 LIPE AND ORTMAN Clustering of Public Architecture Complexes of public architecture are prominent on the canyon-rim portion of many, if not most, late Pueblo III villages. These public or ci vic complexes sornetimes comprise a well-defined precinct surrounded by an enclosing wall and, in other cases, are a general area of the site where features of public architecture are interspersed with habitation units. They generally include several towers, sorne of which are on large, detached boulders just below the canyon rim. A D-shaped structure is a common feature, as is a plaza; great kivas are present in a few instances. The civic complex at Sand Canyon Pueblo is not bounded by a wall, but includes an informally defmed plaza, a large D-shaped structure, and a great ki va. lnterspersed are severa! habitation units, each with a kiva and associated rooms, as weil as one block of rooms that may represent a storage complex (Bradley 1992, 1993; Lipe and Varien 1999b ). The Rim Complex at Woods Canyon Pue bio (see Ortman et al. and the cover, this issue) is enclosed by a wall and the cliff, and includes severa! towers, a plaza, a small D-shaped structure, and a single kiva. lt seems likely that such precincts represent the ceremonial and political center of the village. Whether residences of important ceremoniallpolitical leaders can be identified here or elsewhere in these villages is an unresolved question. As discussed below, D-shaped structures and kiva-dominated roomblocks may have served this function at sorne sites. Bilateral Division The most consistent layout pattern is the division of the village into two parts by sorne topographical feature, usually a main drainage channel. There is considerable variation, however. At Woods Canyon Pueblo, the drainage is a minor one. At Castle Rock Pueblo, a small butte di vides the village into a northern and southern part. Except for Castle Rock, the distribution of architectural features can be discussed by reference to right and left sides, looking upstream from the site's lower ( downstream) edge. At Yellow Jacket Pue bio (not included in our sample of seven sites), the Pueblo III roomblocks are separated into east and west (left and right) groups not by a natural feature, but by a north-south "street," and the major late Pueblo III roomblock, the great tower complex, is also divided by a drainage. Sorne of the Mesa Verde cliff dwellings were separated into two segments in late Pueblo III by construction of central walls (Nordby 1999; Parks and Dean 1998; Roberts 1999; Rohn 1965, 1971). Given that people probably migrated from the central Mesa Verde area to the Rio Grande area in the late A.D. 1200s, it is tempting to suggest that this separation of late Pue bio III villages into two parts represents a princip le of complementary duality and is somehow related to the moiety systems present in most of the presentday Eastern or Rio Grande Pueblos. The contemporary pueblo most similar in layout to our late Pueblo III canyon-rim sites is Tiwa-speaking Taos Pueblo. At Taos, a stream divides the village into north and south pueblos, and there are also

20 Spatial Patterning in Northern San Juan Villages 109 north-side and south-side kiva groups, associated with three north-side and three south-side kivas (Dozier 1970: ). According to Bodine, however, "while individuals belong to either the north- or south-side pueblos and there is an alternative jurisdiction ceremonially by north- and south-side kiva groups, residence is not determined by moiety nor is kiva membership so affected" ( 1979:261 ). At Keresan-speaking Zia, the principal dual organization is associated with two ki vas, and ki va membership is based on residence north or south of an imaginary line between the north and south plazas (Dozier 1970:155, citing White 1962:183). Multiple dual divisions are present in Tewa-speaking communities, which may have north-south residential divisions that cross-eut the more salient division into winter and summer moieties (Dozier 1970:155, citing Ortiz 1965). 3 It is clear that various forms of dual organization are vital in structuring Eastern Pueblo sociallife and community cohesion. These modes of organization are not clearly reflected, however, in the physical layout of communities. Although there is evidence that sorne Eastern Pueblos distinguish two spatially different areas of the village, in most cases the village is not physically separated into two parts. lt is unwarranted to propose that the spatial patterning observed in late Pueblo III central Mesa Verde villages implies a specifie type of social organization that can be identified using a specifie Eastern Pueblo analogue. However, the Pueblo III communities may resemble those of the Eastern Pueblo area in a more general way, in that sorne form of complementary duality may have been used as a way of simultaneously distinguishing and uni ting groups within the community. Asymmetrical Distribution of Structures None ofthe seven villages we studied in detail are symmetrical with respect to the bilateral division (Table 2). Because kiva depressions are usually easily recognized at these sites, we used ki vas as the primary indicators of householdbased habitation units (later we will discuss possible non-residential fonctions for sorne kivas). Two of the four largest villages in our sample, Goodman Point and Hedley, are markedly asymmetrical in their kiva distribution, but the other two, Sand Canyon and Seven Towers, have similar numbers on either side of the division. The distribution of public architecture, though almost always asymmetric, is not always associated with either the larger or smaller side of the village, or with the "right" or "left" side. The left side of Goodman Point Pueblo only bas 14 of the site's 86 kivas but includes a great kiva, a circular multi-walled structure, a plaza, and several room-dominated architectural blocks. Likewise, the right side of the Hedley Main Ruin only contains 19 of the site's 86 kivas, but bas a remodeled great bouse, a D-shaped structure, a plaza, and several kiva-dominated architectural blocks. On the other band, Sand Canyon Pueblo does not have such a marked asymmetry in the distribution of ki vas, and the public architecture is ali on the site's larger (left) side.

21 110 LIPE AND ORTMAN Architectural Patterns Towers These structures appeared frrst in Iate Pue bio II but were much more common in Pueblo III. Early examples were built onto the ends ofroomblocks and/or were associated with specifie habitation units, where they were often connected by a tunnel to the kiva or to a surface room. This pattern persisted in Pueblo III, but other forms were added, e.g., freestanding towers on canyon rims or on large boulders below the rim. Sorne large, multi-room canyon-rim towers may have been habitations (e.g., the "castle" at the Square Tower unit of Hovenweep National Monument), but for most, a purely residential function is unlikely. At canyon-rim villages, towers are often part of the public architecture complex but usually occur elsewhere in the site as well, including D-shaped towers attached to enclosing walls. Boulder towers are strongly associated with late Pueblo III canyon-rim villages, occurring at 14 of 18 such sites reviewed by Kelley ( 1996: 1 09). Although sorne towers were probably defensive, their strong association with the public architecture complex in late Pueblo III villages suggests that they may have had a ceremonial or symbolic function instead of, or in addition to, defense. Johnson's (1999) study of canyon-rim towers indicates a surveillance function; tower viewsheds covered significantly more potential resource areas, such as fields, than did viewsheds from similar locations lacking towers. Multi-walled Structures The public architecture complex at canyon-rim villages typically includes one or, rarely, two multi-walled structures, most of them D-shaped in plan view. These are termed "multi-walled" because they typically have a double wall around part or ali of the periphery; cross-walls with doorways divide this space into a series of small interconnected rooms. In this respect, they resemble the circular bi- and tri-walled structures that appeared in very late Pueblo II and early Pueblo III-e.g., the Hubbard tri-wall at Aztec West (Vivian 1959; also see Lekson 1983). A few circular multi-walled structures are associated with late Pueblo III canyonrim villages, but D-shaped ones are much more common than circular ones, not only in our sample of seven villages, but in the central Mesa Verde region in general. Sorne D-shaped structures have a single enclosed courtyard, but many have a central partition running at right angles to the flat side of the "D," defining two interior courtyards. lt is common for a kiva or, more rarely, a freestanding tower-like structure to occur in each courtyard, but sorne courtyards do not enclose structures. Excavations in the two enclosed courtyards of the D-shaped structure at Sand Canyon Pueblo indicated that a kiva had been built in each at sorne time after the building began to be used (Bradley and Churchill 1995).

22 Spatial Patterning in Northern San Juan Villages Multi-walled structures are present at all seven of our large villages. There ordinarily is only one, associated with the public architecture precinct. At Seven Towers, however, a large D-shaped building occurs on the left side of the site, not far from a probable great kiva, and a smaller D-shaped structure occurs on the right side, in association with a small, enclosed rimrock complex of public architecture that also includes a plaza. A plaza is located close to a D-shaped building at all seven sites, though the large, left-side D-shaped building at Seven Towers lacks this association. In three of the seven sites, plazas are located on both si des of the site, so the association with D-shaped buildings is not exclusive. The small amount of available excavation evidence indicates that at least sorne D-shaped structures housed domestic activities during at least part oftheir use histories. At both Sand Canyon Pueblo and the Hedley Main Ruin, two ki vas occur within the D-shaped building. Contiguous interconnected rooms, apparently used for storage, occur around the periphery of the "D." Excavations in these kivas revealed mealing bins, cooking pots, sleeping mats, and unfrred pottery vessels-ample evidence of domestic activity (Bradley and Churchill 1995; Ortman and Wilshusen 1996) and quite like1y of residential use. The ki vas at the Sand Canyon D-shaped building also had large floor vaults, indicative of intensified ritual use (Wilshusen 1989). Muir (1999a, 1999b) found a relative abundance of bird remains of several species in association with the D-shaped structure at Sand Canyon Pueblo. All of the taxa recovered have sorne type ofreligious associations among the historie Pueblos. Taken together, this evidence suggests that sorne multi-walled structures may have served as residences for one or two households that had access to significantly more than the usual amount of storage space, and perhaps had stewardship of important rituals. Multi-walled structures are ostentatiously different from ordinary residential structures in architectural form and setting, and are also physically separated from them. This probably indicates that distinctive activities (e.g., ceremonies) took place there, and/or that the persons who lived in or regularly used these structures were socially distinctive. Plazas and Great Kivas Definable plaza areas occur in ali seven villages and are common in the larger late Pueblo III canyon-rim villages of the central Mesa Verde region. Plazas are variable in size and location, and are recognizable as relatively level areas that have not been built upon despite being surrounded by architectural features. In sorne cases, an enclosing wall comprises part of the plaza boundary. Their occurrence within otherwise densely built-up villages indicates that public ceremonies were frequent and important enough to require setting aside open space. This interpretation is supported by pottery and faunal assemblages from the Sand Canyon locality, which suggest that more communal meals were eaten at villages with plazas (Sand Canyon and Castle Rock Pueblos) than at earlier and contemporaneous smaller sites (Driver 1996; Muir 1999a, 1999b; Ortman 2000). Also, the pat- Ill

23 112 LIPE AND ORTMAN tern of growth at Sand Canyon Pue bio indicates that the plaza space was reserved early in village development (Bradley 1993). In our seven-village sample, a plaza was always more or Jess closely associated with the main complex of public architecture, but in severa! cases a second plaza occurred elsewhere in the village. Plazas are uncommon in the central Mesa Verde area before late Pueblo III, though they have been found in association with late Pueblo II great bouse structures, such as Wallace Ruin (Bradley 1988). The 1ate Pueb1o III pattern of enclosing a plaza within a clearly bounded village resembles the pattern widespread in Pueblo IV in both Eastern and Western Pueblo areas. Plazas in Pueblo IV villages are often more formally bounded and are usually larger than those present in late Pueblo III Mesa Verde sites. Adams (1989, 1991) argues that the Pueblo IV plazas indicate increased outdoor communal ceremonialism related to the spread of the katsina cult and to increased use of ritual to integrate diverse groups of migrants. The late Pueblo III Mesa Verde plazas predate the spread of the katsina cult, according to Adams's model, but may nevertheless represent increased public ceremony associated with integrating large villages. However, many, if not most, such villages appear to result from aggregation of existing dispersed communities (Varien 1999a), so integrating culturally diverse social segments would probably not have been an issue. Great ki vas occurred at the two largest of the seven villages-sand Canyon and Goodman Point Pueblos. These are the only two great kivas noted by Kelley (1996) in his survey of 20 late Pueblo III villages. In addition, a probable great ki va occurs at Seven Towers (Figure 4), the fourth largest of the seven sites. Great kivas are relatively common in Pueblo I through late Pueblo II community centers, but are Jess so in Pueblo III. Churchill and others ( 1998) surveyed great ki vas throughout the Northern San Juan region and found that one was present at 50 percent of community centers in late Pueblo II, 25 percent in early Pueblo III, and 14 percent in late Pueblo III. In addition to furnishing a central space where large numbers of people can gather, great kivas usually have a number of associated rooms that provide a substantial amount of storage space not associated with particular households and a suite of floor features that may have been necessary for the performance of certain rituals. Because they are enclosed, great ki vas pro vide clearer opportunities for excluding people from gatherings than do informally bounded, open plazas. However, excavations in the great kiva at Sand Canyon Pueblo and exposed bedrock in the unexcavated great kiva at Goodman Point Pueblo indicate that late Pueblo III great kivas were often unroofed, suggesting that they could not have excluded people as easily as earlier, roofed great kivas. Unroofed great kivas also have been identified in the Zuni region, though these are much larger than the central Mesa Verde region examples (Kintigh 1996; Kintigh et al. 1996).

24 Spatial Patterning in Northern San Juan Villages Room-to-Kiva Ratios The household residential pattern frrst established in Pueblo I times can easily be recognized in late Pueblo Ill sites-a household or extended household habitation unit consisting of a kiva, a few spatially associated surface rooms, and occasionally a tower. However, there is considerable variance among multipleunit roomblocks in the ratio of rooms to ki vas. Bradley (1992, 1993) bas recognized kiva-dominated, standard, and room-dominated roomblocks at Sand Canyon Pueblo; this kind of variation can be recognized at sorne of the other large, late villages. The kiva-dominated blocks have fewer than three surface rooms per kiva, while room-dominated blocks contain numerous aboveground rooms without the usual complement ofkivas. The average or "standard" ratio for the Pueblo Ill period in the central Mesa Verde region is nine rooms per ki va (Lipe 1989), but this ratio is somewhat inflated by the presence of numerous small storage rooms in the major cliff dwellings on Mesa Verde proper. A ratio of five tose ven surface rooms per ki va may be more typical of Pueblo Ill sites in open settings. In our sample of seven villages, room-dominated blocks appear in the four largest ones; in two ofthese, they are on the same side of the village as the main complex of public architecture. At Sand Canyon Pueblo, Roomblock 300, located adjacent both to the plaza and the D-shaped structure, appeared to have one ki va and over 30 small surface rooms when the site was first mapped. Bradley excavated a portion of the roomblock and found that a second, very small ki va had been built in a space originally occupied by two rooms, suggesting sorne change in use ofthe roomblock (Bradley 1992, 1993). Nevertheless, this roomblock apparently was primarily devoted to storage and could have held a food supply much greater than that required by two households. At both the Goodman Point and Hedley Main sites, high ratios ofrooms to kivas occur in multi-storied great houselike structures that are incorporated into more extensive roomblocks. At Seven Towers, a small block ofrooms is associated with a tower but no kiva (Figure 4). A few other late Pueblo III storage complexes have been recognized in the Northem San Juan region. At Moon House in southeastem Utah, a small (ca. 30-structure) cliff dwelling was converted to a predominantly storage area in the late A.D. 1200s (Bloomer 1989), and at CliffPalace in Mesa Verde National Park, two very large storage structures are present on the upper ledge (Roberts 1999; Nordby 1999), along with many small storage rooms. The recognition ofkiva-dominated roomblocks from surface evidence is complicated by the fact that the outlines of surface rooms are usually much harder to recognize than are the depressions left by kivas. At Woods Canyon Pueblo, for example, many habitation units were built on steep slopes, and the specifie locations of surface rooms could not be inferred because wall rubble had eroded down slope. At other sites, including Sand Canyon Pueblo, the size of surface roomblocks can be inferred fairly accurately, and, in many cases, tops of walls can be recog- 113

25 114 LIPE AND ORTMAN nized. In our sample of seven villages, kiva-dominated roomblocks occur at the four largest sites, always on the same side as the principal public architecture complex. Bradley (1992, 1993) suggests that kiva-dominated roomblocks at Sand Canyon Pueblo may have been non-residential special purpose facilities. One possibility is that they were used by religious sodalities, as in the historie Pueblos. Another is that they were in fact residential, but had relatively little associated storage and aboveground domestic space. Excavations in kiva suites having low numbers ofrooms at Sand Canyon Pueblo and Yellow Jacket Pueblo suggest both residential use and a relatively greater emphasis on ritual in these units. At Sand Canyon Pueblo, the kiva-dominated 100 Block had an associated midden deposit, reflecting activities that generated ash, food remains, sherds, and lithic artifacts. Mealing bins were found in a room in the 100 Block at Sand Canyon Pue bio as weil as in a room associated with the kiva-dominated great tower complex at Yellow Jacket Pue bio (Kuckelman 1997). 8oth the artifact and feature evidence thus indicates residential activity. Huber (1993) found that the architecture of the 100 Block at Sand Canyon had higher than average labor investment and formality, and that serving vessels were larger than average, perhaps indicating frequent hosting of guests. Driver (1996) found that at Sand Canyon Pueblo there was a disproportionately high percentage of artiodactyl remains in units with a high ratio of ki vas to rooms (primarily the 100 Block). In a more detailed study, Muir (1999a, 1999b) notes that many of the artiodactyl remains from excavations at this site are from structure floors and roofs, presumably representing activities that occurred late in the occupation of the se structures, but relatively earl y in the taphonomic sequence. Midden assemblages from the site in elude mu ch Iower frequencies of artiodactyl remains and are similar to midden assemblages from outlying small Pueblo III sites. Hence, the unusual characteristics of the faunal assemblage from the 100 Block may relate to assemblage formation processes. On the other hand, Muir ( 1999a) also found that artiodactyl remains were most strongly associated with roomblocks that have towers, whether or not these are in kiva-dominated roomblocks. The faunal evidence thus varies somewhat with architectural context but not does not necessarily pattern neatly on the basis of room-to-kiva ratios. If the kivas in room-dominated blocks were in fact primarily residential, perhaps their occupants had sorne enhanced access to the ritual, defensive, and/or storage functions associated with the public architecture complex. The paucity of surface storage rooms in kiva-dominated roomblocks might not have been a problem for the occupants of these areas if they 1) were being provisioned by other members of the community; 2) constituted unusually small households, as in the case of village eiders with grown children who lived elsewhere; and/or 3) had access to the substantial storage capacity of a multi-walled structure, a great ki va, or a room-dominated block. In sorne historie and contemporary Pueblo societies,

26 Spatial Patterning in Northern San Juan Villages 115 religious leaders are relieved ofmuch of the burden of normal agricultural duties, so the Jack ofhousehold-level storage facilities in the Pueblo III kiva-dominated roomblocks may imply that these households were not responsible for ali oftheir own provisioning. On the other hand, small, open Pueblo III sites frequently have low numbers of rooms per kiva but no other exceptional characteristics. Therefore, it is probably premature to conclude that kiva-dominated roomblocks in large sites necessarily imply sorne kind of special activities or status. More investigation is needed into the functional implications ofpueblo III architectural patteming. CONCLUDING COMMENTS With regard to the community succession mode!, a question needing further attention is the degree of continuity between the Stage 1 (late Pue bio Il) and Stage 2 (early Pueblo III) communities. Building activity in the central Mesa Verde area was much reduced in the middle A. o. Il OOs (Varien 1999a), a time of prolonged drought and low agricultural productivity (Van West 1994:Fig. 5.1; Van West and Dean, this issue). This was followed by renewed building and population increase in the late lioos and early 1200s (Lipe and Varien 1999a, 1999b). Was there population continuity through the mid-il OOs disruption in most communities, or was there significant population movement and replacement? Another question that needs to be addressed by focused excavation is whether the Chacoan and Post-Chacoan great houses were in fact residences for ceremonial/political leaders, what role these structures played in communal rituals, and whether activities associated with them changed between tate Pueblo II and early Pueblo III. The tate Pueblo III canyon-rim villages have many continuities with the early Pueblo III aggregated communities but show new architectural and layout pattems that may indicate changes in community organization. Sorne of these features (e.g., increased residential aggregation, towers, enclosing walls) may be related to the intensification ofwarfare in the Four Corners area in tate Pueblo III (LeBlanc 1999; Kuckelman et al., this issue), and others to intensification of religious ritual. The apparent increase in storage outside standard habitation units (e.g., in D-shaped structures, room-dominated blocks, and great kivas) suggests supra-household control of a substantial amount of stored food. If in fact the D shaped structures were residences, their inhabitants may weil have been families who had considerable ceremonial and political influence and responsibilities, as weil as access to large amounts of stored food. However, architectural indicators of emergent social hierarchy are not supported by artifact evidence of status or wealth differences, such as exotic trade items or elaborate persona! decorations (Lipe and Varien 1999b ). Setter understanding of late Pueblo III community or-

27 116 LIPE AND ORTMAN ganization will require additional comparisons of artifact and ecofact assemblages from "ordinary residences" with those from room- and kiva-dominated roomblocks, towers, and D-shaped structures. With regard to re1ationships among communities, rank-size analysis (Lipe and Varien 1999b) does not indicate inter-village political hierarchies in Pueblo III. Further comparative architectural, locational, and chronological studies, as weil as analysis of intra-regional ex change ( e.g., Glowacki et al. 1998), may help clarify inter-village economie, ritual, and political ties. END NOTES 1. A grant from the Colorado Historical Society for the VMP is gratefully acknowledged. The Archaeological Conservancy permitted access to the Albert Porter, Yellow Jacket, and Hedley sites. Work at Cannonball, Bass, Seven Towers, 5MT4700, and Woods Canyon Pueblo was conducted under a permit from the Bureau of Land Management, San Juan Resource Area, Durango, Colorado. 2. ln 1994, the VMP made aerial photos of27 sites in southwestem Colorado and 3 in southeastem Utah (Figure 1 ). Prior to photography, the coordinates and elevations of selected control points were recorded relative to an arbitrary datum. After control points were marked with large crosses of white plastic film, aerial photos were taken by Rocky Mountain Aerial Survey of Englewood, Colorado. Carrera and Associates, ofenglewood, used these photos to generale digital elevation models with 30-cm contour resolution. The resulting AutoCad files permitted CCAC archaeologists to add or subtract data layers as desired. Topographie maps were generated for 15 of the 30 sites; for most others, such maps can be compiled photogrammetrically in the future from existing aerial imagery. In 1995 through 1997, CCAC archaeologists revisited 8 of the 15 mapped sites to record wall!ines, middens, rubble mounds, and other cultural features; the 8 sites are listed above. In Figures 2 through 5, wall!ines and outlines of roomblocks are shown where they could be observed in the field. AutoCad was used to integrale these records with existing topographie data. National Register nominations were prepared for six of the eight sites (Lipe 1996, 1999a, 1999b, 1999c, 1999d, 1999e). At the eight intensively mapped sites, loose surface bearn samples were collected when available, and were submitted to the Laboratory oftree-ring Research at the University of Arizona, Tucson, for dating. Although sorne cutting dates were obtained, most samples were weathered and yielded only "vv" dates. Rim sherds were collected from the surface oflarge grid squares laid out over midden areas; assemblages were dated on the basis of attribute frequencies (Ortman 1995). Pottery samples from well-dated excavated contexts at other sites were used to calibrate variation in attribute frequencies. This method permitted temporal assignment ofpueblo III rim sherd assemblages with a resolution of 30 to 50 years (Ortman 1995; also see Hegmon 1991). In most cases, sherds were retumed to the field after analysis and scattered over the appropriate grid squares. Three of the eight sites (Yellow Jacket, Woods Canyon, and Hedley) were also tested by CCAC (Ortman et al., this issue). In addition to the eight maps produced for CCAC, additional maps were made by Carrera and Associates with funds from other institutions: Bluff Great House for the University of Colorado, Boulder (Cameron 1997); Navajo Twins Site for the San Juan Foundation; Mitchell Springs Site for the Mitchell Springs Project; Lowry Ruin, Lowry Great House, Pigge Site, and Cow Canyon Rim Complex for Fort Lewis College (Kendrick and Judge 1996). 3. In none of these cases is the term dual division used in the sense of opposition. Rather, these distinctions are seen as complementary; thal is, the community could not function and survive if the winter and summer moieties did not both make their contributions (Ortiz 1965; Tessie Naranjo, persona! communication, 1999).

28 Spatial Patterning in Northern San Juan Villages REFERENCES 117 Adams, E. Charles 1989 Changing Form and Function in Western Pueblo Ceremonial Architecture from A. o to A.D ln The Architecture ofsociallntegration in Prehistoric Pueblos, edited byw. D. Lipe and M. Hegmon, pp Occasional PaperNo. 1. Crow Canyon Archaeological Center, Cortez, Colorado The Origin and Development of the Pueblo Katsina Cult. University of Arizona Press, Tucson. Adler, Michael A Communities of Soi/ and Stone: An Archaeological Investigation of Population Aggregation Among the Mesa Verde Region Anasazi, A.D Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Department of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Adler, Michael A., and Mark D. Varien 1994 The Changing Face ofthe Community in the Mesa Verde Region A.D In Proceedings of the Anasazi Symposium, 1991, compiled by A. Hutchinson and J. E. Smith, pp Mesa Verde Museum Association, Mesa Verde, Colorado. Blomster, Jeffrey P., and Melissa J. Churchill 1996 Letter Report on 1995 Excavations at Woods Canyon Pueblo (5MTII842), Montezuma County, Colorado. Crow Canyon Archaeological Center, Cortez, Colorado. Submitted to the San Juan Resource Area Office, Bureau of Land Management, Durango, Colorado. Bloomer, William W Moon House: A Puebla Ill Period Cliff Dwelling Camp/ex in Southeastern Utah. Unpublished Master's thesis, Department of Anthropology, Washington State University, Pullman. Bodine, John J Taos Pueblo. In Southwest, edited by A. Ortiz, pp Handbook of North American Indians Volume 9. W. C. Sturtevant, general editor. Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C. Bradley, Bruce A Wallace Ruin Interim Report. Southwestern Lore 54(2): Excavations at Sand Canyon Pueblo. In The Sand Canyon Archaeo/ogical Project: A Progress Report, edited by W. D. Lipe, pp Occasional Paper No. 2. Crow Canyon Archaeological Center, Cortez, Colorado Planning, Growth, and Functional Differentiation at a Prehistoric Pueblo: A Case Study from SW Colorado. Journal of Field Archaeo/ogy 20: Pitchers to Mugs: Chacoan Revival at Sand Canyon Pueblo. Kiva 61: Bradley, Bruce A., and Melissa Churchill 1995 Annual Report of the 1993 Excavations at Sand Canyon Puebla (5MT765). Crow Canyon Archaeological Center, Cortez, Colorado. Submitted to the Bureau of Land Management, San Juan Area Office, Durango, Colorado. Breternitz, David A The 1969 Mummy Lake Excavations: Site 5MV833. Wright Paleohydrological Institute, Boulder, Colorado. Bullard, William R., Jr The Cerro Colorado Site and Pithouse Architecture in the Southwestern United States Prior to A.D Papers of the Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology Vol. 44, No. 2. Cambridge, Massachusetts. Cameron, Catherine M The Bluff Great House and the Chacoan Regional System. Paper presented at the 62nd Annual Meeting of the Society for American Archaeology, Nashville, Tennessee.

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